Theses - Political Science

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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14576/29

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Open Access
Adoption of the palm oil moratorium policy in response to the EU’s red II : Indonesia case
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Wahyu Wulandari; Testriono; Moch Faisal Karim
How did RED II push the Indonesian government to implement a moratorium policy for the palm oil industry? This research investigate how RED II regulations pressured the Indonesian government to adopt the palm oil moratorium policy and why this happened. RED II, or Renewable Energy Directive II, is a continuation policy from the previous RED implemented by the European Union to regulate the use of renewable energy and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. RED II is considered stricter, especially in regulating the use of biofuels derived from palm oil, and the moratorium policy is one of the efforts made by Indonesia after facing various regulations that affect the presence of palm oil in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative approach to explore the factors that influence Indonesia's decision making in responding to global demands for the sustainability of the palm oil industry, especially after the emergence of RED II. By using Spalding's policy adoption approach, the research results show that the adoption of the moratorium policy in Indonesia is influenced by significant pressure from the European Union, especially the RED II policy, which limits palm oil imports because of its impact on deforestation and climate change. However, these factors are not enough to explain how Indonesia adopted the moratorium and why it happened, thus there are internal factors, namely related to socio-economic conditions and bureaucratic aspects in Indonesia which encourage massive expansion of oil palm plantations. Specifically, the availability of large areas of land encourages continuous expansion because it provides greater economic opportunities. On the bureaucratic side, it refers to the internal dynamics where the moratorium emerged as a response to the government's difficulties and challenges in overcoming the oil palm issue. These internal dynamics can be seen from the overlapping regulations and agencies which are also influenced by the decentralized system in Indonesia and makes coordination between central and regional institutions difficult. This research concludes that these external and internal factors influence each other, thus encouraging Indonesia to adopt a moratorium policy as an effort to overcome difficulties and challenges regarding the sustainability issues of the palm oil industry.
Controlled Access
Altruism or status-seeking: the global south and Indonesia's humanitarian aid to Afghanistan
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Mirzayi, Qudrat; Nia Deliana; Moch Faisal Karim
Humanitarianism and humanitarian aid are noble concepts and practices, but sometimes, they can be a controversial method of statecraft, employed solely for a country’s own national and international strategic interests. This issue is considerable in Global South countries, which, despite their low- and middle-income economic capacity (mostly not all), can still provide international humanitarian aid — as showcased by Indonesia’s regular provision of international aid to Afghanistan since 2001. Based on this assumption, this research seeks to understand whether Indonesian humanitarian aid to Afghanistan an altruism-based foreign policy is or prompted by a statecraft status-seeking strategy formed to shape and elevate Indonesia’s status as an emerging middle power in the Global South humanitarian index. The author employed a qualitative method to achieve this objective, relying on the process tracing technique for data analysis. By consulting numerous foreign affairs reports, index records, archival sources, and interviews, this research found that altruism isthe strongest motivation driving Indonesia’s humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. Strategic interests, such as status-seeking, are also considerable factors, but most indicators showed that altruism, which is rooted in religious beliefs and the country’s Constitution, is the most significant reason for the aid. This is followed by Indonesia’s religious and historical solidarity with Afghanistan.
Open Access
Analysis of Indonesian foreign policy in facing geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-Pacific : comparative foreign policy of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) and Joko Widodo (2014-onwards) administrations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sarini; Afrimadona; M. Rifqi Muna
Today the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region has become a question of international concern. The area is also a theater of conflict between regional and great-power countries. Therefore, considering that Indonesia is the Indo-Pacific region's epicenter, the country must adjust its foreign policy in the region. This study examines distinct approaches to the management of the geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region during the administrations of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), with particular focus on how Indonesia responds to conflicts in the South China Sea. The research method in this study is qualitative, using a descriptive approach and developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on the data collected. This study uses primary and secondary data to gain information about Indonesia's policy strategy and behavior. In analyzing Indonesia's foreign policy, this study looks at the enmeshment strategy from the perspective of hedging theory. Furthermore, this study uses idiosyncratic theory as an analytical knife to see why the two governments took different positions. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia's foreign policy during both the SBY and Jokowi administrations in dealing with geopolitical turmoil in the Indo-pacific, especially in the South China Sea conflict, used an enmeshment strategy. However, the difference is that during SBY's time, Indonesia's foreign policy approach was more likely to be normative and globalist, while during the Jokowi administration, it has tended to be more assertive and pragmatic. In addition, the results of the idiosyncratic theory analysis found that the leader's personality type had implications for leadership style and foreign policy decisions. Therefore, the SBY and Jokowi administrations have different foreign policy approaches in dealing with geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-pacific.
Open Access
Enhancing election integrity : a comparative study of NGO election monitoring in the Philippines and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Perwita Suci; Philips J. Vermonte; Sirojuddin Arif
What causes variations in election integrity scores across democratic countries? A number of scholars argue that election integrity scores are influenced by regime type and economic development. Yet there are several countries that have the same regime and economic development but obtain different election integrity scores. By comparing the Philippines and Indonesia, this thesis will try to assess civil society involvement through the level of robustness of election monitoring activities by NGOs, which is considered a key factor in the variation in election integrity values in democratic countries. This is because formal election monitoring institutions are deemed incapable of maintaining free and fair elections. The robustness of an NGO is indicated by the results of its strategy implementation. The strategies used were divided into two types in this paper: new and old strategies. A new strategy is the implementation of a strategy that has never been done by an NGO before; this is characterized by collaborating with international organizations and becoming a pseudo-government partner. Meanwhile, the old strategy is a strategy usually used by NGOs to influence the quality of elections, for instance, becoming the government's antagonists or not collaborating with international organizations. By implementing the former and collaborating with international NGOs, various forms of support can be accessed as a reference and basis for the NGOs to run their election monitoring activities effectively. In addition, becoming a pseudo-government partner also makes it easier to convince the government about the importance of NGOs' presence in free and fair elections. Meanwhile, NGOs that adhere to the old strategy do not receive any support from international organizations and become enemies of the government, which causes the government to crack down on the scope of NGO involvement in election activities.
Open Access
Examining patron-client dynamics : the US alliances and disproportionalities toward South Korea and the Philippines in cold war era
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Nizar Lukman; Muna, M. Rifqi; Nia Deliana
This study attempts to explore the contribution of the US as a patron country in alliance relations to the economic development of its client countries. One form of this contribution is the provision of foreign assistance that can be used as capital to develop the economy of the client country. However, the question is why in its allocation there are often uneven dynamics among its client countries so this study attempts to explore what causes the US to provide a large amount of foreign assistance to some of its client countries while others do not, this can be the main reason why some US alliance countries have good economic development while others have poor development by analyzing the case of South Korea which tends to receive a more significant amount of aid while the Philippines with a smaller amount. The two main factors that will be studied are the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion which exhibit patron-client dynamics in alliance relations can explain the phenomenon. Those two main variables can determine differences in foreign assistance allocation; the main method is process tracing, part of Qualitative which seeks to find causal mechanisms with a time sequence. The results of this study indicate that the US allocates more foreign assistance to client countries when the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion are high, while if one of the factors is low then the allocation of assistance is also low. This research is expected to contribute to international relations, especially for those trying to see how security can influence the political economy.
Open Access
Examining the defense of blasphemy laws in Pakistan : the case of tehreek-e-labbaik Pakistan
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Shoukat, Hamad; Ridwan; Philips J. Vermonte
The rise of Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) from a small religious party to a political force in Pakistani politics has been rapid. TLP, a significant political group in favour of blasphemy laws, has rallied Pakistani citizens to mobilize under the banner of Barelvi Islam. The political ascension of Barelvi Islam in Pakistan is highly influenced by anti-blasphemy movements, particularly TLP's. The political interpretation of Barelvi in TLP has led to a transformation from an open religious culture into an exclusive and stringent religious affair centred on reverence for the Prophet Muhammad. This transformation has fueled a surge in anti-blasphemy action, as TLP follows a populist approach to build a support base for its cause. Critics of TLP's position are perceived as adversaries of Islam and the Prophet. The popularity of TLP can be attributed to the recognition of the hierarchy between religious leaders and their followers, the explosion of social media, and TLP's hypervigilant and proactive responses to global cases of blasphemy over the past decade. In this light, the study aims to gain a deeper understanding of TLP’s engagement in Pakistani politics. The researcher will employ the library research and qualitative method to analyze documents such as articles, reports, books, and journals. Thematic analysis of data from various sources, including papers, speeches, and the media, will underscore religious discourse, blasphemy legislation, and social media mobilization. The TLP movement has become an essential chapter in the political history of Pakistan, reflecting the dynamism of the struggle to address the issue of blasphemy within the country.
Open Access
Examining the dynamic of Indonesia's transnational networks in advocating Indonesia-Israel relations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ronaa Nisa’us Sholikhah; Moch Faisal Karim; Philips Jusario Vermonte
Why do some transnational actors create and engage in networks that advocate for Indonesia-Israel relations? Previous literature emphasizes that the role of transnational advocacy networks is to legitimize the interests of issues that arise in society. However, transnational actors are indirectly used by third countries to legitimize the relationship between two countries that do not have diplomatic relations. This thesis uses process tracing to see how the dynamics of the role of actors involved in advocating IndonesiaIsrael relations. The reason they are involved in the network is because of the common interests with the third country. In this case, there are three important networks in the advocacy: business, minority groups, and Islamic-based. All three are formed by common norms and goals so they have different legitimacy. There are two framings that they use as advocacy strategies, namely alignment and resonance. This strategy takes the form of groups and the use of social media as an alternative to legitimacy. The three networks have different consequences for the community and the government. Legitimacy, which is the foundation of advocacy, does not necessarily have a positive impact on policy change or public opinion. Minority groups are more sustainable due to the strength of connections in the advocacy process than other networks. This is because business networks are more concerned with maintaining relationships for profit. Meanwhile, Islamic-based groups are more fragile because members in the network are individuals and not institutions or organizations.
Open Access
Gezi park protest and the coup d’etat : EU democratic conditionality in Turkiye’s frozen accession negotiations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Khairunnas; Nia Deliana; A'an Suryana
Turkiye's desire to become a part of the European Union has existed even before the country became a republic, championed by the republicans of the country who view Europe as a source of economic, political, and social progress. Turkiye is the country that has been in the accession process, called accession negotiations, the longest, a process that every candidate country must go through. The glimmer of hope in these accession negotiations was finally extinguished in 2018 when the process was put on standstill by the Council of the European Union. "Standstill" is actually a somewhat ambiguous status because it does not specify in detail whether Turkiye's accession negotiations have been canceled or will not be continued. Furthermore, the reason for the standstill status was not explicitly stated in the decision issued, such as what event or Turkish government policy was considered the most significant contributing factor to the decision to put the accession negotiations on standstill. Scholars also provide various interpretations regarding the most contributing factors, including increased authoritarianism under the leadership of the AKP, territorial disputes with Greece, the Cyprus conflict, and cultural and social differences between Turkiye and European societies. This thesis argues that there are two major events considered to have significantly contributed to the council's decision to put the process on standstill. These events are analyzed using democratic conditionality theory and the process tracing research method on the two cases. Additionally, this research validates findings by comparing them with the scholarly statements made by three scholars concerned with Turkiye and the European Union.
Open Access
Identifying first-time voter preferences : a conjoint experiment among high school students in East Jakarta Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ja’far Muhammad; Sirojuddin Arif; Afrimadona
What attributes do first-time voters prefer in a legislative candidate? This study aims to demonstrate the characteristics first-time voters prefer from a legislative candidate. Through a conjoint experiment that allows researchers to identify and nonparametrically estimate the causal effects of many components simultaneously, this study found show that first-time voters’ preferences. Factors that are significant in influencing the predicted results are educational attainment, political party identity, residency, experience, age, and blusukan (impromptu visits). In contrast, this study’s findings did not find any correlation between a candidate’s success and their campaign strategy in terms of the number of billboards they used, how often they appeared on social media, or their interactions on social media. The results of this study do, however, reflect on how first-time voters consider the many attributes of a candidate and make their decisions when casting their ballots.
Open Access
Indonesia's role in promoting the agenda of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in ASEAN
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Ramita Paraswati; Philips J. Vermonte; Ridwan
This study aims to examine the role of Indonesia in promoting UNSCR 1325 on the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional bloc by positioning itself as a middle power. Indonesia has strategically planned its status as a middle power and implemented it in the WPS issue. By employing role theory to explain middle-power behavior, this study explores the factor of historical experience, ego, and alter expectations relating to Indonesia's identification as the voice of developing countries, a regional leader, an advocate of democracy, and a bridge-builder in advancing the WPS agenda in ASEAN. This research used a qualitative method, in-depth interviews with stakeholders, and a desk literature review. This study found that Indonesia appears to be a middle power in promoting UNSCR 1325 in ASEAN. In addition, this research also proposes that the foreign policy actor's background determines the middle power's role. The experience of implementing, the contribution of civil society organizations (CSOs), and initiating several programs relating to the WPS agenda, positions Indonesia as an actor that plays a significant role in promoting the WPS agenda in ASEAN. These findings provide significant implications for studying how a state positions itself as a middle power on the WPS issue.
Open Access
Islamic terrorism, the consequence of foreign intervention in the Muslim world : the cases of ASL and ISIS
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Khelfa, Nouha; Djayadi Hanan; Jamhari Ma’ruf
Although there is significant available literature on the study of the origins of Islamic-inspired terrorism, little is known about the origins of the Islamic State in Syria, and Ansar Sharia in Libya, and this is a gap that this study will attempt to fill. In addition, the two existing streams of IR theory on terrorism: Traditionalism and CTS lack analytical and problem-solving power, respectively. This study, therefore, will attempt to synthesize insights from both schools of thought to overcome their weaknesses and combine their strengths. This study aims to explain the origins of Islamic terrorism by using the narrative approach to collect data and process tracing and the organizational theory as a methodology. This study argues that foreign intervention, whether direct or indirect, in the Muslim World, causes state breakdown and subsequent failures in the areas of economy, defense, and ideology, leading to the rise of terrorist groups. This study only focuses on two case studies that are rarely investigated: the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), with a focus on Syria, and Ansar Al-Sharia in Libya (ASL). The results show that indirect foreign intervention of the United States and Russia in Syria in 2011 onward led to the social construction of sectarianism in the country, turning the Arab Spring into a sectarian civil war. This latter would lead to the state deconstruction that would lead to the creation of different insurgent groups, including ISIS. The direct military intervention of NATO in Libya in 2011 would lead to the transformation of the Arab Spring into the First Libyan Civil War, causing the dissolution of different state institutions, including the army, and creating different militia groups, among which is ASL.
Embargo
Local government coordination capacity in reducing stunting prevalence : cases of Bekasi city and Bogor city
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Tri Sulistianing Astuti; Sirojuddin Arif; A'an Suryana
Stunting remains a global problem, including in Indonesia. Despite the nature of stunting reduction as a benevolent policy, which tends to be less prioritized by politicians, many countries have succeeded in reducing stunting. It raised a question: under what conditions does the government pursue stunting reduction? Most studies point out the commitment of political leaders as the main driver of the stunting reduction. However, in a democratic government, a political leader has a term limit, which makes him vulnerable to continuity of stunting reduction in the long term. Hence, I argue that the bureaucratic capacity could better drive stunting reduction since bureaucrats serve longer than political leaders. Focusing on coordination capacity, this research assesses the variation outcome of stunting reduction in Bekasi City and Bogor City during the changing landscape of stunting policies from 2018 to 2022 by employing a comparative qualitative method with Most Similar System Designs. This research concludes a strong capacity of street-level bureaucracy coordination was the core of Bekasi City’s better performance in stunting reduction compared to Bogor City. Therefore, understanding the need for a strong coordination capacity in bureaucracy and the impact of not having it can significantly contribute to increasing the successful delivery program of benevolent policy in a local government.
Open Access
Nahdlatul Ulama and the state : examining Nahdlatul Ulama's political flexibility in post-reformasi Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Libasut Taqwa; M. Syafi’i Anwar; Ridwan
This study aimed to investigate the main factors that drove Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU) political flexibility in Indonesia's political history. It also demonstrates how Nahdlatul Ulama maintains its political flexibility during post-reformasi Indonesia. The reformasi (reform cra) was considered to have cleared the path for Islamic groups, including NU, to play distinctive political and electoral roles in keeping their interests in power. During this time, NU became a potent Islamic political force in relation to the state. It had a flexible political action that could either be accommodative or tend to support or oppose the regime, particularly based on its elite networks. Incorporating evidence from document reviews, NU's internal publications and autobiographies, personal correspondence, and interviews, this study demonstrates that the main factor driving NU's political flexibility post-reformasi is the network of its religious clite. This network can be divided into two categories: a knowledge network that spans years and a kinship network that represents the firm ties between the elite, society, and the government. By utilizing its network, NU has succeeded in moving flexibly and responding to the political situation in various periods of regimes in Indonesia. Second, this flexibility is present in NU's attitude, which has never been the same in dealing with the post-reformasi regime. At the same time, this flexibility is also shown by the distribution of NU elites among various political strains to, on the one hand, maintain and balance Indonesia's political stability, and on the other hand, also try to protect their organizational interests. It argues that during various national political opportunities, NU's familial connection became stronger in post-reformasi Indonesia. In particular, when it comes to issues at the local level, the scholarly network has greater influence over NU's political attitudes.
Open Access
Personality traits and presidential political risktaking behavior : Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo case studies
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ismail Alviano; A'an Suryana; Afrimadona
Why do presidents in various similar situations display differences in decision making in situations involving risk? Previous presidential studies have considered differences in personality traits as a strong factor influencing differences in presidential attitudes and behavior. Existing literature has succeeded in proving the role of personality in the context of presidential behavior, such as campaign style and leadership style. Despite this, the president's attitude and behavior toward risk is still an untouched puzzle. This thesis offers the influence of personality trait variables that underlie differences in a president‟s risk-taking behavior. To prove this hypothesis, this study was carried out by conducting a multi-case study involving Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo as two Indonesian presidents who had many similar situations but had many differences in their decision making. The method used in this research is assessment-at-distance using measurement techniques through adaptation of the big five personality traits and risk-taking behavior scale. The findings of this study support the existence of differences in personality traits that underlie presidential differences in risk taking. Through the analysis result, it was found that presidents with personality traits of high openness to experience with low conscientiousness and neuroticism tend to be risk takers. On the other hand, presidents with high extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism will tend to avoid risk.
Embargo
The dynamics of majority-muslim countries’ foreign policy on the global war on terrorism: a comparative analysis of Indonesia and Malaysia under the Megawati Soekarnoputri and Mahathir Mohamad administrations (2001-2004)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Fahmi Syahirul Alim; Rifqi Muna; Syafii Anwar
The foreign policy dynamics of Islamic-majority countries have been debated in the field of foreign policy studies, especially since the emergence of the Global War on Terror policy after the 9/11 attacks, with a shift in foreign policy analysis that examined more domestic influences, both sociopolitical conditions and the identity and leadership of a country. By using the theory of national role conception and the idiosyncratic approach by looking at the personality of the country's leader, this study argues that the foreign policies of Indonesia and Malaysia in responding to the Global War on Terror were more influenced by domestic political conditions. However, with different institutions, Indonesia is more influenced by civil society, so it projected itself as a bridge builder of Islam and the West and Islam and Democracy. Meanwhile, Malaysia’s response was more due to the power of political parties. The role projected was “defender of the faith” by always wanting to play a role in protecting the interests of the Muslim world as a developing country, and indigenous issues to fulfil domestic political interests. By employing an idiosyncratic approach, the characters and personalities of the two leaders of this country certainly strengthen these two different roles.
Open Access
The effect of external interventions on Civil War duration
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Al-Aini, Mohammed Ahmed Ali; Afrimadona; Ridwan
This study aims to explore the impact of third-party interventions on the duration of civil wars, which are characterized by varying durations ranging from a few days to several decades. So under what conditions can third party interventions shorten the duration of civil wars? To address this research objective, two primary hypotheses have been identified to guide the investigation: (1) the effect of regional versus non-regional interventions, (2) the influence of neighboring versus distant interventions, in reducing the duration of civil wars. To provide a comprehensive examination of this phenomenon, a systematic review of the existing literature has been undertaken, employing quantitative and qualitative research methods. The insights obtained from this study will significantly contribute to the discourse on the role of external actors in resolving civil conflicts by highlighting the conditions under which third-party interventions are most effective in reducing the duration of civil wars. These findings hold valuable implications for the design and implementation of future intervention strategies and for the broader theoretical and empirical debates on the effectiveness of third-party interventions in resolving civil conflicts.
indefinitely restricted
The emergence of the Indonesian campus union under system strain : a comparative case study of the University of Indonesia Workers Association (PPUI) and Campus Workers Union (SPK)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Bobi Arisandi; Sirojuddin Arif; Munna, M. Rifqi
Open Access
The impact of terrorist attacks on foreign direct investment : evidence from the Muslim world
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ghulam Ruchma Algiffary; Ridwan; Samuel David Blanch; Afrimadona
Do terrorist attacks with target variations affect foreign direct investment in the Muslim World? This thesis uses the panel data regression method (time-series and crossunits) with a quantitative approach based on 47 Muslim countries over 20 years to answer the question. The estimation model selected to provide the best prediction results in this research data is the random effect model. This thesis uses Stata 17 software as a panel data processing tool. The prediction result of this thesis is the impact of five variations of terrorist attack targets (business, tourist, government, police, and transportation) on foreign direct investment in the year after the attack. The Muslim World is the object of study because foreign direct investment is the main source of economic prosperity in these countries. The classification of terrorist attack variations is useful to determine the specific impact on foreign direct investment. The hypothesis and rationalization for determining research variables are based on Simon's political risk analysis. Political risk illustrates the classification of terrorist attack variations in affecting foreign investment assets and government. The vulnerability of Muslim countries in the face of political conflict (terrorism) and their dependence on foreign direct investment to support their respective macroeconomies makes this topic a necessary area of study. This thesis found that terrorist attacks on business targets (negative impact), police (negative impact), and government (positive impact) have a significant impact on foreign direct investment in the Muslim World. Meanwhile, terrorist attacks on tourist and transportation targets have no significant impact. Four variables that are the main components of FDI were included in the model to eliminate bias in the statistical calculation (OVB). The four variables are political globalization, political stability, trade openness, and Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
Open Access
The paradox of kiai politics (Role of kiai in the 2019 presidental election in Madura)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Masduri; Djayadi Hanan; A'an Suryana
Jokowi-Ma'ruf's defeat and Prabowo-Sandi's victory in Madura in the 2019 presidential election cannot be separated from the political role of the kiai. The kiai is included in the cosmological figures, Bhuppa Bhabhu, Ghuru and Rato (Father-Mother, Teacher and King), who are highly respected by the Madurese people. The kiai is the representation of the teacher, whose teachings and orders must be obeyed by the santri (students) or society in general. For this reason, the political choice of kiai in Madura in the 2019 presidential election influenced the choices of many santri and voters in general. What happened in Madura emphasizes the concept of the "selectorate" (Mesquita et al, 2003) in electoral political contestation, which can influence the composition of the ruling coalition and the population in a broader sense, as well as voters in a special sense. The kiai's strategy, support and active involvement will determine the position and victory of the candidate he supports. Even though in the 2019 presidential election there was a cultural paradox of kiai politics, where the Jokowi-Ma'ruf candidate pair, who represented the kiai and NU, lost in Madura, which is a base of the kiai and NU. This paradox occurs because of at least four things, the issue of identity politics (1), the domination of social media (2), the influence of political ideology (3), and the political aggressiveness of the kiai (4). There is obvious Islamic devotion in the Madurese community, where candidates who are supported by the majority of the habaib and kiai receive much greater support than candidates from the kiai themselves or the NU structural representation.
Open Access
The political origins of religious rigidity and flexibility : the dissemination of contemporary political Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Aldi Nur Fadil Auliya; Jamhari Makruf; M. Syafi’i Anwar
Why do Moslim-majonty democracies express religious rigidity while others reflect flexibility Previous studies emphasize the religious constitutional forms and political rivalries in electoral competition between political parties chasing Muslim voters in addressing the question while overlooking the types of social capital within political struggle as a causal factor. This paper employs process tracing for theory-building and conducts comparative history in Malaysia and Indonesia. In proposing the interaction of two variables, political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters and social capital to promote religious inclusivity, this thesis argues that the divergent power of social capital to promote religious inclusivity results in either political Islam expresses religious rigidity or reflects religious flexibility in a Muslim country with a democratic system. Malaysia is a case of weak social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters, which triggers the undertaking of top-down Islamization policies in formal democracy and results in the spread of political Islam expressing religious rigidity. In contrast. Indonesia is a case of strong social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry among political parties chasing Muslim voters, which leads the policy to work from the bottom-up in the frame of substantive democracy and results in the dissemination of political Islam expressing religious flexibility.