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Understanding student well-being in an Indonesian Islamic boarding school : the roles of school climate and teacher empathy
Zahra Hasana Salsabila; Charyna Ayu Rizkyanti; Andar Nubowo (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-30)
Over the last decade, the well-being of students has emerged as a growing concern in educational research. This problem is particularly important in Indonesian Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) where adolescent students learn, pray, and reside in the same setting. While institutional factors such as school climate have received growing research attention in this context, empirical evidence on the relational dimension of teacher empathy in shaping student well-being in Indonesian pesantren remains limited. This study, therefore, examined the extent to which student well-being was predicted by perceived school climate and teacher empathy, and explored how students' and teachers' own experiences accounted for these relationships. A sequential explanatory mixed-methods design was employed in the study. During the quantitative phase, 260 senior secondary students completed a modified PERMA-Profiler and the What's Happening In This School (WHITS) questionnaire, as well as an Empathy Scale for Teachers adapted to have students rate their teachers' empathy as they perceive it. Rasch modelling, descriptive statistics, and simple linear regression were used to analyze the data. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews were used in the qualitative phase of the study, involving three students and three dormitory teachers through maximum variation sampling. Data from the interviews were analyzed using hybrid thematic analysis and then merged with qualitative and quantitative data using a joint display. Overall, students reported being moderately satisfied with their well-being, school climate, and teacher empathy. The school's climate was a significant predictor of student well-being (β = .629) and explained about 39.5% of the variance. The relationship between teacher empathy and student well-being was also significant and positive (β = .372), but explained less variance (13.9%). These patterns were confirmed with qualitative findings. Students indicated that supportive peer relationships, belongingness, meaningful participation, and spiritual values were more central in their well-being than positive emotions. Meanwhile, the role of teacher empathy was identified as most significant in meeting students' academic needs or emotional difficulties. Confirming this, teachers view empathy as a core part of their responsibility in nurturing students, yet they acknowledge that this is often hindered by tight schedules, heavy workloads, and large class sizes. Overall, within this pesantren, the institutional climate proves to be a comparatively stronger determinant of student well-being than teacher empathy, and empathy served as an important source of emotional support, yet not as a substitute for a supportive school climate.
Climate change education readiness among early childhood pre-service teachers : the roles of socio-emotional competence, attitudes, teaching self-efficacy, and subjective norms
Lakhaula Sahrotul Aulia; Destina Wahyu Winarti; Bambang Sumintono (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-28)
Climate change education (CCE) has been increasingly recognized as an important component of early childhood education. However, little is known about the psychological factors associated with pre-service teachers' readiness to teach climate change. This study examined the levels of socio-emotional competence (SEC), teaching self-efficacy (TSE), attitudes toward teaching climate change education (ATT), subjective norms (SN), and intention to teach climate change education (ITT) among early childhood pre-service teachers in Java Island. It also investigated the relationships among these variables based on the perspectives of Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) and the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). A cross-sectional survey was conducted with 495 early childhood pre-service teachers. Instrument validity and reliability were established using Rasch analysis, while the hypothesized relationships were examined using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis tests were additionally employed to examine demographic differences. The findings revealed that most participants demonstrated moderate levels of SEC, ATT, SN, TSE, and ITT. Gender, type of university, and type of major showed no significant differences across the studied variables, whereas enrollment in environment-related courses was associated with significantly higher levels of ATT, SN, TSE, and ITT. SEC was positively related to ATT (β = 0.436), SN (β = 0.476), and TSE (β = 0.586). Furthermore, ATT (β = 0.236), SN (β = 0.168), and TSE (β = 0.533) were positively associated with ITT, with TSE emerging as the strongest predictor. Although SEC had no significant direct relationship with ITT (β = 0.034; p = 0.207), it demonstrated significant indirect relationship through ATT, SN, and TSE. These findings suggest that socio-emotional competence contributes to climate change teaching intention primarily through its relationship on attitudes, perceived social support, and teaching self-efficacy.
Jokowi's endorsement effect : Prabowo - Gibran victory and PSI failure in 2024
Wildan Rofii; Djayadi Hanan; Afrimadona (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-27)
This study examines the Jokowi's Endorsement effect in Indonesia's 2024 Simultaneous Elections. The extraordinary popularity of Incumbent President Joko Widodo's (Jokowi), helped secure victory for the Prabowo-Gibran presidential arena, but failed to propel the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) as party most closely associated with him tobe above the parliamentary threshold. Using Exit Poll data collected by Politika Research & Consulting (PRC) on Election Day from 2,366 respondents at 1,200 polling stations across all 38 provinces, this study tests three hypotheses using binary logistic regression, with the level of satisfaction with Jokowi's performance as the primary independent variable. The study's findings confirm all three hypotheses. First, the approval rating for Jokowi has a strong, positive, and significant effect on the probability of voting for the Prabowo-Gibran ticket (B = 0.830; Exp(B) = 2.294; p < 0.001), meaning the likelihood of supporting that ticket more than doubles for every one-point increase in the approval rating. Second, the same approval rating had no significant effect on the probability of voting for PSI (B = 0.317; p = 0.355), indicating that symbolic proximity through the "Jokowism" branding and the appointment of Kaesang Pangarep as party chairman were not sufficient to translate Jokowi's popularity into votes. Third, the approval rating for Jokowi significantly increases the probability of voting for the parties empirically identified as closest to him through delta analysis, namely Gerindra and PDI-P (B = 0.464; Exp(B) = 1.591; p < 0.001). Overall, this study concludes that incumbent Jokowi's lead is personal, not partisan. It can decisively shape the presidential race and strengthen the parties that voters genuinely associate with him, but it does not automatically extend to every party that claims his name.
Beyond the rentier state : crises and political coalitions in Nigeria and Indonesia’s divergent fiscal trajectory
Abdullahi, Abdullahi Muhammad; Philips Jusario Vermonte; Djayadi Hanan (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-21)
This research investigate why two resource-rich post-colonial countries which share similar structural attributes including extensive period of authoritarian governance, economic shocks such as the 1970s oil boom, the 1980s oil price collapse, and democratization in the late 1990s, ended up following sharply divergent fiscal paths. While Nigeria has remained heavily dependent on oil rents and also developed comparatively weak fiscal institutions, Indonesia on the other hand has been able to gradually diversify its revenue base and strengthen taxation as an alternative source of government revenue. Existing rentier-state and resource-curse theories popularly used to explain the behavior of resource-rich countries have provided important insights into the ramifications of resource dependence. However, these theories have failed to adequately explain puzzling divergences such as the one identified in this study. Therefore, this thesis aims to address this inadequacy by developing the Political Coalition Incentive Model (PCIM), a framework which brings insights from rational choice theory and historical institutionalism. Through the lens of this framework, I argue that economic crisis function as a critical juncture which disrupts existing rentier political arrangements, thereby creating a fiscal choice-point. However, fiscal policy decision during these periods ultimately rest on the incentives and constraints facing the ruling political coalition. Using a comparative historical analysis, the findings of this study reveal that Indonesia’s patronage-technocratic coalition under Suharto responded to crisis by diversifying the economy and establishing broad-based tax system beginning with the 1983 tax reform. While Nigeria’s patronage-based coalition resorted to external borrowing and diverting of oil rents to preserve existing patronage networks. These findings challenge the deterministic core of rentier state theory by proving that resource wealth alone does not determine fiscal outcomes. Rather, entrenchment or escape from rentier-trap is solely contingent on how political elites interpret and respond to crisis within the constraints of historically inherited institutions. By introducing the PCIM, this thesis provides a more plausible explanation for variation in the fiscal trajectories among resource-rich states and also advances broader debates on taxation, state capacity, and institutional change.
Digital-era contentious politics : a mixed-methods analysis of Facebook as a space for resistance during Tanzania's 2025 electoral crisis
Pio, Peseo Lao; Nia Deliana; A'an Suryana (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-20)
This research aims at examining the role of Facebook in mediation of contentious politics in Tanzania during the 2025 electoral crisis. The research analyzes the platform's use as one of the infrastructures for opposition's mobilization in an electoral authoritarian regime. The research shows that Tanzanian youth maintained their protest coordination through a sophisticated, strategic use of Facebook features such as the optimization of News Feed, live video for witnessing, Messenger for coordination at an encrypted level and formation of a collective identity in Groups which worked alongside offline networks and diaspora relay systems. Using a critical realist epistemological framework, the study adopts a mixed methodologies approach which includes quantitative content analysis of more than 200 Facebook posts from five protest Pages, alongside a qualitative analysis of the protest through a set of 37 semi-structured interviews with protest participants, IT experts, and regulatory officials as well as a digital ethnographic study of closed protest Groups. Building upon dynamics of contention theory by McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly, this study offers an enhanced theory of contention by developing the Platformed Contention Framework which shows how the interactions between the state and the opposition in the digital-age setting are determined by factors such as platform design, user agency, and the presence of governance gaps. The study results indicate that with Facebook engagement-optimized algorithms, protest-related communication can be digitally supported as a kind of opportunity for state repression especially when users' algorithmic literacy is able to strategically re-purpose commercial features. The analysis of this study point out that governance gaps between TCRA and Facebook/Meta that were created by technical imbalance, jurisdictional limitation and corporate non-compliance hindered the repressive capacity of the state and allowed for a continuous transnational digital activism. This study contributes to the literature in digital authoritarianism studies by showing how digitally platformed contention works in severe repression, and contributes to international relations theories by looking at the politics of global digital-platform governance on state sovereignty and transnational activism. The research establishes two main policy areas which need to be addressed through civil society digital strategies and corporate platform accountability and regulatory frameworks in authoritarian regimes.