Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia Repository
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White Muslim convert in the UK : beyond integration paradigm and the politics of “the other”
Abd Basith Abdullah; Bhirawa Anoraga (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-08-05)
The notion of Islam as incompatible with British values is still exist in the body of British society. But what occurs when an individual identified as Muslim cannot be categorized as 'outsider' or 'brown'? In what ways does broader society define and interpret their identities? The white British Muslim demographic presents a compelling subject for exploration. Muslims, whether through conversion or heritage from converted parents or grandparents. Their presence challenge racialized representations of Muslims as 'brown bodies.' They also interrogate the implications of being white and English, Scottish, Northern Irish, or Welsh identities that are frequently linked to Christianity. Therefore, the aim of this research is to explore how the interplay of "whiteness" and "Muslimness" in contributes to gradual decline while simultaneously sustaining the racial hierarchy. Furthermore, the main argument of this study is that, while white converts challenge the common binaries between Islam and whiteness by embodying both identities, simultaneously, they sustain the rachial hierarchy particularly within Muslim community by embodying their white privilege in their daily life. Additionally, I will utilize Leon Moosavi’ theory of Re-racialization as the theoretical framework of this research and hope can give more nuance of how white Muslim converts engage with and perpetuate racial inequalities in Britain. This research will address two primary research questions. First: To what extent do white Muslim converts challenge and reinforce racial inequality? Secondly, in what ways do white Muslim converts articulate their identity following their conversion? Conversely, qualitative research will serve as the primary method for this study. I will employ interview data from white Muslim converts, drawing on previous research including journal articles, books, news sources, and online resources. Furthermore, to strengthen the credibility of this research, I will include my in-depth interviews with several white convert students. This approach will allowes me to broaden my exploration and comprehension of the intricate social phenomena related to Islam and British values.
التجربة النيجيرية في تطبيق الشريعة الإسلامية : المحاكم الشرعية بين التراث والحداثة
Muhammad, Abdullahi Abubakar; Waked, Ahmed Ahmed Hassan (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-08-01)
أحد أكثر القضايا إثارة للجدل في الساحة الأكاديمية هو العلاقة بين الشريعة والدولة، إذ أن الدولة تستمد شريعتها السياسية من تمثيل قومية مستقلة وذات سيادة. فهي تعتبر نفسها رب الأرباب وصاحبة السيادة. لذلك وصفها بعض المفكرين بالمشروع الشبيه بالاله بامتياز، وأنها هي غاية نفسها، ولا تعرف ، بفضل دستورها ذاته سوى نفسها وميتافيزيقيتها فحسب. لذلك يرى أن تطبيق قانون ديني (الشريعة الإسلامية في دولة ، قومية وحديثة أمر مثير للجدل يرى بعض المفكرين مثل وائل حلاق، بأن هياكل الدولة الحديثة لم تكن أبدا متوافقة مع الحكم الإسلامي، وأن تطبيق الشريعة كقانون للدولة أمر مستحيل وأن الشريعة الإسلامية مرنة وتقنينها يجعلها تفقد مرونتها في المقابل، يرى بعض المفكرين أيضا، مثل محمد فاضل إمكانية الدمج بين الشريعة وقانون الدولة من خلال إصلاح الفقه الإسلامي ليكون منسجما مع المؤسات الليبرالية. لذلك، يسعى هذا البحث للإجابة عن السؤال الآتي: هل من الممكن تطبيق الشريعة في إطار الدولة القومية الحديثة، مثل نيجيريا، ولو بشكل جزئي دون أن يؤدي ذلك إلى مرونتها الفقهية أو إخضاعها الإصلاحات تفرض عليها الانسجام مع المؤسسات الليبرالية الحديثة؟. للإجابة عن هذا السؤال، يتناول البحث التجربة النيجيرية في تطبيق وتقنين الشريعة من خلال توضيح كيف هو حال النظام القضائي في المحاكم الشرعية وكيف تتفاعل المحاكم مع التحديات اللازمة للنظام القضائي في الدولة، خصوصا من سنة 1999 إلى 2024. ويعتمد البحث على وثائق وقرارات المحاكم الشرعية والمقابلات مع قضاة المحاكم وبعض الموظفين المعنيين بتسجيل القضايا في المحاكم.
Campaigning Islam : ideology, identity, and populist discourse of PPP and PKS in the 2024 Indonesia general election
Muhammad Fahmi Asshidqy; Farish A. Noor (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-08-11)
This study examines the Instagram-based campaign discourse of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) during the 2024 Indonesian general election. It focuses on how these parties construct religious and political identities and engage with populist discourse in the digital sphere. Drawing from the official Instagram accounts of both parties, the analysis covers textual content in captions and embedded text within images posted a month prior to and during the campaign period. The research adopts a qualitative interpretive paradigm, combining thematic analysis with the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to identify thematic patterns and discourse strategies. The findings reveal that both parties employ a mix of strategic political communication, including informational, persuasive, and relational identity strategies, although these often overlap and produce tensions in meaning. While Islamic ideology and identity remain salient reference point, it is framed through varying degrees of religious nationalism, populist rhetoric, and programmatic and emotional appeals. It also highlights the intersection of religion, populism, and digital political communication in a competitive electoral environment. The research is limited to publicly available Instagram data from two Islamic parties, excludes visual semiotic analysis beyond textual elements, and does not constitute a theological or religious study. The research findings are: First, parties have framed the ideological shift toward post-Islamism. Both parties are moving away from Islamist programmatic appeals toward an electoral campaign that blends religious allusions with civic/programmatic discourse. PKS combines religious language with policy commitments and political activity, whereas PPP emphasizes normative religious discourse and symbolic appeals. Second, the political identity of the PPP is characterized as normative, whereas the PKS is identified as programmatic. An examination of nomination, predication, and topoi indicates that PPP constructs a normative political identity, underscoring moral guardianship, tradition, and symbolic solidarity. In contrast, PKS develops a critical identity, focusing on government critique, problem-solving discourse, and organized activism. For example, PPP focused on disseminating straightforward and practical information. PKS aims not only to provide practical advice but also to educate its followers about the party's programs and struggles. Third, the parties are transitioning their religious identity from a santri party to an ummah party, reflecting convergent yet distinct trajectories. Both parties continue to embody santri identities; however, campaign posts indicate a discursive reconfiguration wherein both aim to represent the ummah (the Muslim community) instead of specific santri subgroups. The last, parties employ populism differently. It appears that PPP populism is symbolic primarily and incomplete. Although not demonizing elites, the party employs emotive discourse and solidarity narratives. However, PKS strengthens populist arguments by linking moral and critical issues to regime failures to govern.
Economic impact of Waqf-funded water infrastructure in West Java : an inter-regional input-output analysis
Rayan Asa Luminaries; Hamidi, M. Luthfi (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-07-31)
This research examines the economic implications and institutional viability of waqf-based investment in water infrastructure in West Java, Indonesia. This research examines how Islamic charitable mechanisms, such as waqf, might supplement governmental funding to alleviate infrastructure deficiencies, motivated by ongoing discrepancies in access to clean water, particularly in rural and peri-urban areas. The study used a mixed-method approach, using Inter-Regional Input-Output (IRIO) analysis to examine macroeconomic effects with qualitative interviews with key stakeholders to assess implementation circumstances. The IRIO simulation indicates that a Rp50 billion waqf investment in the water supply, waste management, and recycling sector (Sector 30) produces substantial economic spillovers. It enhances the regional production of West Java by Rp 76.6 billion and the national output by Rp 83.9 billion. Additionally, it impacts 1,427 employments, with 1,279 located in West Java alone. The findings indicate significant backward links with sectors like agriculture, building, and food processing, establishing water infrastructure as a crucial facilitator of comprehensive growth. Qualitative results confirm robust stakeholder confidence for the national expansion of the waqf model, dependent on evident local success and collaborative efforts among several stakeholders. Despite obstacles posed by governmental support and Nazir capabilities, the model's versatility and ethical finance foundation provide a robust supplement to traditional infrastructure funding. Overall, the research underscores waqf's dual value: as a faith-based financing tool rooted in social justice, and as a pragmatic mechanism for advancing inclusive and sustainable development.
International society and women’s right under non-democratic regime : the case study of Badakhshan province in Afghanistan
Delju, Mahera Mah; Blanch, Samuel David; Nia Deliana (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-08-08)
This study explains how international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), especially United Nations agencies and the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), adjusted their strategies to promote women's rights and empowerment in Afghanistan's Badakhshan Province between 2021 and 2024 under the second Taliban government. Following the Taliban's return to power in August 2021, Afghan women endured farreaching restrictions on education, employment, and freedom of movement. INGOs operating in such an oppressive climate were confronted with serious challenges in maintaining their gender-targeted programs. The broader puzzle of this thesis is how INGOs managed to sustain programs for women's empowerment in a regime ideologically adverse to gender equality. It also investigates why the Taliban tolerate selectively genderoriented programs even as they formally oppose women's rights. Theoretically underpinned by Gender and Development (GAD) theory and informed by political realism observations, the study investigates how INGOs rebranded women's rights activities as humanitarian aid, used low-key and culturally tailored tactics, and bargained with local governments to ensure continued access. Drawing on qualitative inquiry, including document analysis and semi-structured interviews with INGO field workers in Badakhshan. The findings demonstrate that under the regime of political repression, INGOs have been successful in delivering the pragmatic needs of women as well as promoting strategic gender interests cautiously. This thesis contributes to broader norm diffusion debates, NGO survival, and humanitarian policy under authoritarian regimes lacking state capacity