Faculty of Social Sciences

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Open Access
The Roots of Indonesia's Resilience Against Violent Extremism
(Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, 2021) Jamhari; Testriono
This article explores Indonesia’s institutional foundations to understand the country’s resilience against violent extremism. First, Pancasila has been the foundation of an inclusive state that can bind Indonesian diversity. Second, multiparty elections allow Islamist groups to participate in politics and express their aspirations constitutionally, thus moderating their violent strategies. Third, the support of the largest Islamic organizations, especially NU and Muhammadiyah, for counterterrorism and law enforcement against extremist orchestrated by the government. Both organizations exhibit a stronghold essential to countering the Salafi jihadist ideology. However, although infrequent and small in scale, the continued acts of violent extremism in Indonesia have shown that there is still room for the terrorist ideology to grow. Some Islamic educational institutions deliberately educate students to support Islamism, and some students are introduced to Salafi jihadist ideology. Such a development should serve as a warning for the government to pay more attention to the curriculum and teachers, especially in Islamic educational institutions.
Open Access
In the Making of Salafi-Based Islamic Schools in Indonesia
(Al-Jami'ah Research Centre, 2022) Jamhari Makruf; Saifudin Asrori
The Salafi manhaj (method) is emerging as a new form of Islamic education, in addition to the existing pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and madrasah (Islamic school) education systems, both of which have long histories in Indonesia. The presence of these schools reflects Salafi efforts to achieve “purification of Islam” though adherence to the idea of returning to the ‘authentic Islam’ as practiced by the early generations of Muslim. Salafi manhaj schools are also part of a transnational Islamic movement that has purposely spread ideas and movements from the Middle East around the world, including to Indonesia. Over time, these schools have developed into two models: Integrated Islamic Schools and Salafi manhaj pesantrens. Both aim to instill Islamic tenets that comply with the Salafi manhaj and disseminate and incorporate such tenets in the religious practices of Indonesian Muslims, although the Integrated Islamic Schools are more inclusive and teach aspects of the conventional state curriculum too. This article challenges previous findings that the influence of Salafi education has faded in Indonesia as efforts to combat Islamist terrorism globally have increased, arguing that Salafi educators have been strategic and effective in promoting their approach to religious education.
Open Access
Women's political participation in Indonesia's 2019 election : what contributed to the increasing number of women candidates ?
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Hayatun Nufus; A'an Suryana; Philips J. Vermonte
Although political parties have been able to meet the requirement that there be at least 30% women in the legislature, practically all political parties have confessed that it is difficult for them to recruit women to run for office, however, in the 2019 election, a phenomenon occurred where the number of female legislative candidates increased in all political parties ranging from 37-55% This research explains why this was the case by discussing two variables: the role of political training and the pattern of the selection process within the political process. The two questions are formulated First. how did training in women's political participation by multiple stakeholders encourage female candidates to run for office in the 2019 election, bringing about the increased number and percentage of the list of candidates in the election? Second, what was the pattern of recruitment of political parties' participants in the 2019 election in selecting female candidates for parliament? The objectives of this study are First, to investigate whether political training undertaken by Indonesian women resulted in an increase in women candidates in the final list of candidates. Second, to examine the influence of political party recruiting trends in selecting candidates that exceeded the 30% nomination criteria of women participating in elections. The methodology employed in this study was qualitative using selected cases. Based on these two factors, the objective of this research shows that studies of women in politics that usually focus on women candidates who win seats can also be looked at through women's participation at the candidacy stage. The research and results of this study are expected to contribute theoretically and practically. First, the theoretical benefit is the development of science The findings from this study show that political parties with women's cadre schools and training for women cadres have a significant stock of candidates, so they have no difficulty getting women candidates. In contrast, political parties that do not have a mechanism for educating women candidates find it difficult but are helped by the existence of training held by the government and NGOs, both local and international Thus, the increase in the number of female candidates is the break-even point between the high demand from political parties due to being forced by the 30% gender quota system and the readiness of women who have received training to become legislative candidates for political parties in the 2019 election Advocacy by civil society organizations (CSOs) for women's voices can be an indirect cause and impact on internal party mechanisms that are friendlier and prepare female candidates to be empowered and confident so that a significant increase in women legislative candidates in the 2019 election ensured the 30% requirement was surpassed.
Open Access
Nahdlatul Ulama and the state : examining Nahdlatul Ulama's political flexibility in post-reformasi Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Libasut Taqwa; M. Syafi’i Anwar; Ridwan
This study aimed to investigate the main factors that drove Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU) political flexibility in Indonesia's political history. It also demonstrates how Nahdlatul Ulama maintains its political flexibility during post-reformasi Indonesia. The reformasi (reform cra) was considered to have cleared the path for Islamic groups, including NU, to play distinctive political and electoral roles in keeping their interests in power. During this time, NU became a potent Islamic political force in relation to the state. It had a flexible political action that could either be accommodative or tend to support or oppose the regime, particularly based on its elite networks. Incorporating evidence from document reviews, NU's internal publications and autobiographies, personal correspondence, and interviews, this study demonstrates that the main factor driving NU's political flexibility post-reformasi is the network of its religious clite. This network can be divided into two categories: a knowledge network that spans years and a kinship network that represents the firm ties between the elite, society, and the government. By utilizing its network, NU has succeeded in moving flexibly and responding to the political situation in various periods of regimes in Indonesia. Second, this flexibility is present in NU's attitude, which has never been the same in dealing with the post-reformasi regime. At the same time, this flexibility is also shown by the distribution of NU elites among various political strains to, on the one hand, maintain and balance Indonesia's political stability, and on the other hand, also try to protect their organizational interests. It argues that during various national political opportunities, NU's familial connection became stronger in post-reformasi Indonesia. In particular, when it comes to issues at the local level, the scholarly network has greater influence over NU's political attitudes.
Open Access
Women's education in Afghanistan : activist, Taliban and public views
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Hamedi, Abdul Saboor; Sirojuddin Arif; Nia Deliana
This study investigates the intricate landscape of women's education in Afghanistan through the perspectives of diverse groups, including activists, Taliban officials, and the general public. The study aims to explore the attitudes and sentiments surrounding women's education by combining content and sentiment analysis. Extensive data collection encompassed Twitter posts from Afghan activists, the Taliban, and the public. The study's findings unveil various opinions and emotions among the various groups examined. Notable champions for women's education, regardless of sex, emerge, demonstrating passionate advocacy and working towards expanding educational opportunities for all. The public similarly exhibits significant levels of support, albeit slightly less pronounced. Their collective voice affirms the importance of women's education and the need for progress in this realm. Conversely, the Taliban demonstrates limited enthusiasm for girls' education, revealing a deep ideological divide This understanding sheds light on the challenges in promoting educational equity and diversity within Afghanistan. The study underscores the pivotal role of activists in advocating for women's education, shaping the discourse, and driving transformative change. It also highlights the importance of dismantling societal barriers and advocating for legal reforms to ensure accessibility to education for women in Afghanistan. The insights generated by this study hold practical implications for policymakers, educators, and organizations dedicated to advancing women's education and achieving equality in Afghanistan. With these findings, policymakers and activists can better prioritize women's education, design more effective initiatives, and allocate resources accordingly. This research contributes to the ongoing conversation on women's education in Afghanistan by providing a deeper understanding of the perspectives and sentiments expressed by various groups. It emphasizes the need for sustained collaboration and coordinated efforts to dismantle barriers, challenge established norms, and create an educational system that women, giving them a voice and opening doors to a brighter future.
Open Access
The political origins of religious rigidity and flexibility : the dissemination of contemporary political Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Aldi Nur Fadil Auliya; Jamhari Makruf; M. Syafi’i Anwar
Why do Moslim-majonty democracies express religious rigidity while others reflect flexibility Previous studies emphasize the religious constitutional forms and political rivalries in electoral competition between political parties chasing Muslim voters in addressing the question while overlooking the types of social capital within political struggle as a causal factor. This paper employs process tracing for theory-building and conducts comparative history in Malaysia and Indonesia. In proposing the interaction of two variables, political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters and social capital to promote religious inclusivity, this thesis argues that the divergent power of social capital to promote religious inclusivity results in either political Islam expresses religious rigidity or reflects religious flexibility in a Muslim country with a democratic system. Malaysia is a case of weak social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters, which triggers the undertaking of top-down Islamization policies in formal democracy and results in the spread of political Islam expressing religious rigidity. In contrast. Indonesia is a case of strong social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry among political parties chasing Muslim voters, which leads the policy to work from the bottom-up in the frame of substantive democracy and results in the dissemination of political Islam expressing religious flexibility.
Open Access
Analysis of Indonesian foreign policy in facing geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-Pacific : comparative foreign policy of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) and Joko Widodo (2014-onwards) administrations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sarini; Afrimadona; M. Rifqi Muna
Today the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region has become a question of international concern. The area is also a theater of conflict between regional and great-power countries. Therefore, considering that Indonesia is the Indo-Pacific region's epicenter, the country must adjust its foreign policy in the region. This study examines distinct approaches to the management of the geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region during the administrations of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), with particular focus on how Indonesia responds to conflicts in the South China Sea. The research method in this study is qualitative, using a descriptive approach and developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on the data collected. This study uses primary and secondary data to gain information about Indonesia's policy strategy and behavior. In analyzing Indonesia's foreign policy, this study looks at the enmeshment strategy from the perspective of hedging theory. Furthermore, this study uses idiosyncratic theory as an analytical knife to see why the two governments took different positions. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia's foreign policy during both the SBY and Jokowi administrations in dealing with geopolitical turmoil in the Indo-pacific, especially in the South China Sea conflict, used an enmeshment strategy. However, the difference is that during SBY's time, Indonesia's foreign policy approach was more likely to be normative and globalist, while during the Jokowi administration, it has tended to be more assertive and pragmatic. In addition, the results of the idiosyncratic theory analysis found that the leader's personality type had implications for leadership style and foreign policy decisions. Therefore, the SBY and Jokowi administrations have different foreign policy approaches in dealing with geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-pacific.
Open Access
Unveiling revolutionary pathways : a comparative study of the tactics and strategies of the communist party of the Philippines and Partai Komunis Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Fenis, Magello Rainer; Sirojuddin Arif; Philips J. Vermonte
This research paper examines the impact of the tactics and strategies employed by the Philippine and Indonesian communist movements on political sustainability in the face of repression and a changing political landscape. Utilizing a qualitative approach with causal inference, the research examines the experiences of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) during their peak periods under authoritarian governments. The PKI operated as a legal party under the Sukarno regime, primarily adhering to Leninist principles. In contrast, the CPP, a Maoist organization, has operated underground since its split from the older revisionist communist party. While existing literature offers valuable insights, a comparative study between these regional revolutionary movements is necessary to bridge the gap in understanding the relationship between party methods and sustainability. Despite encountering state repression, the effectiveness of revolutionary strategies played a pivotal role in determining their survival and future trajectory. Drawing on historical institutionalism theory, the study explores the timing and sequence of events, shedding light on ideological, political, and organizational transformations. Ultimately, the distinctive responses of the CPP and the PKI to the domestic challenges of the Cold War era shaped their respective trajectories in pursuing communist aspirations. The findings of this study will contribute to a deeper understanding of how revolutionary social movements respond to repression in the Southeast Asian region.
Open Access
The power and dilemma of informal poltical institution : a case study of 'Chiya Bhatti Baithak' and women's struggle for political participation in Kathmandu Metropolitan City (2008-2022)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Shamim, Saemah; M. Syafi’i Anwar; Nia Deliana
This study investigates how Chiya Bhatti Baithak, an informal political institution in Kathmandu Metropolitan City, discourages women from participating in politics. The study's findings provide light on the challenges experienced by women in accessing resources, networks, and decision-making processes, leading them to leave the political arena by examining the impact of the unwritten rules, social and cultural norms, and networks that are the causes of the exclusive nature of Chiya Bhatti Baithak. The research design combined qualitative information from interviews with pertinent stakeholders and preexisting literature on informal institutions and women's political participation. It used both primary and secondary data. A thorough comprehension of the subject topic was attained by using a qualitative approach. This study adds to the corpus of knowledge by providing compelling proof of the specific ways through which Chiya Bhatti Baithak limits women's political participation. It draws attention to the necessity of inclusive political settings that respect and welcome all participants. To create successful solutions that tackle the underlying issues behind informal institutions, advance gender equality, and ultimately increase women's political involvement in Kathmandu Metropolitan City, further research and exploration in this area is required.
Open Access
Islamic terrorism, the consequence of foreign intervention in the Muslim world : the cases of ASL and ISIS
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Khelfa, Nouha; Djayadi Hanan; Jamhari Ma’ruf
Although there is significant available literature on the study of the origins of Islamic-inspired terrorism, little is known about the origins of the Islamic State in Syria, and Ansar Sharia in Libya, and this is a gap that this study will attempt to fill. In addition, the two existing streams of IR theory on terrorism: Traditionalism and CTS lack analytical and problem-solving power, respectively. This study, therefore, will attempt to synthesize insights from both schools of thought to overcome their weaknesses and combine their strengths. This study aims to explain the origins of Islamic terrorism by using the narrative approach to collect data and process tracing and the organizational theory as a methodology. This study argues that foreign intervention, whether direct or indirect, in the Muslim World, causes state breakdown and subsequent failures in the areas of economy, defense, and ideology, leading to the rise of terrorist groups. This study only focuses on two case studies that are rarely investigated: the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), with a focus on Syria, and Ansar Al-Sharia in Libya (ASL). The results show that indirect foreign intervention of the United States and Russia in Syria in 2011 onward led to the social construction of sectarianism in the country, turning the Arab Spring into a sectarian civil war. This latter would lead to the state deconstruction that would lead to the creation of different insurgent groups, including ISIS. The direct military intervention of NATO in Libya in 2011 would lead to the transformation of the Arab Spring into the First Libyan Civil War, causing the dissolution of different state institutions, including the army, and creating different militia groups, among which is ASL.
Open Access
Why do countries pursue a feminist foreign policy? a comparasion between developed and developing countries : the case of Sweden, Canada, Colombia, and Mexico
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sonia So'imatus Sa'adah; Philips J. Vermonte; Afrimadona
This study seeks to examine the necessary conditions for countries to pursue a feminist foreign policy. By applying the method of agreement and focusing on the cases of Sweden, Canada, Mexico, and Colombia, which integrate a feminist foreign policy, this research aims to observe why countries with different socioeconomic development statutes chose to adopt this political strategy. Scholars have argued that domestic politics and international politics are strongly intertwined. What happens in national politics can often shape a country's foreign policy to a certain degree. With this as a background, this study recognizes that domestic forces and transnational forces are interdependent and interconnected. Thus, I argue that a strong feminist movement is a necessary condition for countries to pursue a feminist foreign policy. The interplay between pressure from domestic forces (feminist movements) and transnational forces results in a "pincers' effect" (Friedman, 2008), which leads states to put emphasize a gender- responsive foreign policy. In other words, the existence of a strong feminist movement is a required condition for countries to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
Open Access
The paradox of kiai politics (Role of kiai in the 2019 presidental election in Madura)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Masduri; Djayadi Hanan; A'an Suryana
Jokowi-Ma'ruf's defeat and Prabowo-Sandi's victory in Madura in the 2019 presidential election cannot be separated from the political role of the kiai. The kiai is included in the cosmological figures, Bhuppa Bhabhu, Ghuru and Rato (Father-Mother, Teacher and King), who are highly respected by the Madurese people. The kiai is the representation of the teacher, whose teachings and orders must be obeyed by the santri (students) or society in general. For this reason, the political choice of kiai in Madura in the 2019 presidential election influenced the choices of many santri and voters in general. What happened in Madura emphasizes the concept of the "selectorate" (Mesquita et al, 2003) in electoral political contestation, which can influence the composition of the ruling coalition and the population in a broader sense, as well as voters in a special sense. The kiai's strategy, support and active involvement will determine the position and victory of the candidate he supports. Even though in the 2019 presidential election there was a cultural paradox of kiai politics, where the Jokowi-Ma'ruf candidate pair, who represented the kiai and NU, lost in Madura, which is a base of the kiai and NU. This paradox occurs because of at least four things, the issue of identity politics (1), the domination of social media (2), the influence of political ideology (3), and the political aggressiveness of the kiai (4). There is obvious Islamic devotion in the Madurese community, where candidates who are supported by the majority of the habaib and kiai receive much greater support than candidates from the kiai themselves or the NU structural representation.
Open Access
The effect of external interventions on Civil War duration
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Al-Aini, Mohammed Ahmed Ali; Afrimadona; Ridwan
This study aims to explore the impact of third-party interventions on the duration of civil wars, which are characterized by varying durations ranging from a few days to several decades. So under what conditions can third party interventions shorten the duration of civil wars? To address this research objective, two primary hypotheses have been identified to guide the investigation: (1) the effect of regional versus non-regional interventions, (2) the influence of neighboring versus distant interventions, in reducing the duration of civil wars. To provide a comprehensive examination of this phenomenon, a systematic review of the existing literature has been undertaken, employing quantitative and qualitative research methods. The insights obtained from this study will significantly contribute to the discourse on the role of external actors in resolving civil conflicts by highlighting the conditions under which third-party interventions are most effective in reducing the duration of civil wars. These findings hold valuable implications for the design and implementation of future intervention strategies and for the broader theoretical and empirical debates on the effectiveness of third-party interventions in resolving civil conflicts.
Open Access
Indonesia's role in promoting the agenda of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in ASEAN
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Ramita Paraswati; Philips J. Vermonte; Ridwan
This study aims to examine the role of Indonesia in promoting UNSCR 1325 on the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional bloc by positioning itself as a middle power. Indonesia has strategically planned its status as a middle power and implemented it in the WPS issue. By employing role theory to explain middle-power behavior, this study explores the factor of historical experience, ego, and alter expectations relating to Indonesia's identification as the voice of developing countries, a regional leader, an advocate of democracy, and a bridge-builder in advancing the WPS agenda in ASEAN. This research used a qualitative method, in-depth interviews with stakeholders, and a desk literature review. This study found that Indonesia appears to be a middle power in promoting UNSCR 1325 in ASEAN. In addition, this research also proposes that the foreign policy actor's background determines the middle power's role. The experience of implementing, the contribution of civil society organizations (CSOs), and initiating several programs relating to the WPS agenda, positions Indonesia as an actor that plays a significant role in promoting the WPS agenda in ASEAN. These findings provide significant implications for studying how a state positions itself as a middle power on the WPS issue.
Open Access
Comparing Moralities in the Abrahamic and Indic Religions Using Cognitive Science: Kindness, Peace, and Love versus Justice, Violence, and Hate
(MDPI, 2023-02-02) Aria Nakissa
Recent cognitive science research indicates that humans possess numerous biologically rooted religious and moral intuitions. The present article draws on this research to compare forms of religious morality in the Abrahamic traditions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) and the Indic traditions (Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism). Special attention is given to moral teachings on kindness, peace, and love, as well as related teachings on justice, violence, and hate. The article considers how moral intuitions shape Abrahamic/Indic moral teachings, which, in turn, impact: (1) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning politics, law, and war; (2) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning individual ethics, and moral behavior proper to monastics and laypersons; and (3) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning theological matters, such as the nature of the universe, souls, and deities.
Open Access
How regional organisation survives: ASEAN, hedging and international society
(Informa UK, 2023-05-23) I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana; Moch Faisal Karim
How can a regional organisation survive in great power contests? This article uses the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as the empirical case to address the puzzle. The inquiry is important for three reasons. First, the recent developments in world politics have shown the increasingly penetrative actions of the major powers into regional multilateral organisations. Second, looking at ASEAN, the internal cohesion and solidity of the Association's member countries over the last decade have been challenged by the competition between China and the U.S. Third, the existing literature on ASEAN regional strategic affairs has been focused on hedging as the weaker states’ agential choice to manage their relations with the stronger states. However, there is insufficient explanation of what makes sustainable Southeast Asian states’ hedging possible. Working within the English School theory of IR, this article offers two factors explaining ASEAN’s survival as a regional international society: elite diplomatic culture and great power management. The argument is that ASEAN has developed its ideas and values of intra-regional diplomatic relations and built institutions that can mitigate the damaging consequences of the U.S.–China order contestation. Furthermore, this study promotes an English School perspective on hedging based on the ASEAN case. Arguing against the realist theory of hedging, which focuses on the domestic function of foreign policy strategy, the narrow conception of national interests and the relative distribution of power at the systemic level, hedging works because of viable institutions of the regional international society oriented toward constructing and preserving order.
Open Access
The durability of religion in the secular age : religionization in Indonesia
(Faculty of Ushuluddin and Dakwah, Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta, 2023-06-30) Alamsyah M Djafar; Unaesah Rahmah
The global intensification of religionization has raised renewed questions about the validity of the secularization thesis. Research supporting the secularization thesis suggested an alternative perspective, emphasizing the correlation between security levels and religious adherence. It posits that as security levels rise, the reliance on religion diminishes, whereas in contexts of low security, the need for religion intensifies. An examination of the trajectories and dynamics of secularization in Indonesia reveals that among the Muslim middle class, secularization has alleviated feelings of insecurity arising from socio-political crises. Such observations suggest that historical trajectories of religionization are intricately linked to these socio-political dynamics. Furthermore, initiatives by the government and political organizations that endorse religion as a preferred choice expedite this transition towards religionization. This study uses process tracing by dividing the historical process into three periods and comparing them analytically to explain the causal mechanism among modernization, secularization, and religionization.
Embargo
Institutional layering in climate policy: Insights from REDD+ governance in Indonesia
(Elsevier, 2023-07-22) Silvio Hermawan; Moch Faisal Karim; Lena Rethel
The transformation of forest governance in low- and middle-income countries has been accelerated due to increased international pressure for climate change adaptation. These efforts, however, have been severely limited by inefficiencies within the forest-related state institutions tasked with addressing governance challenges, such as coordination, mediating political interests, and strategy-setting. This article contributes to the discussion of forest governance by providing an alternative view of such constraints. Using the case of the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) program in Indonesia, we examine the institutionalization process of the climate agenda in the forestry sector and how it influences forest governance transformation. We argue that the climate agenda has been institutionalized in Indonesia’s forest institutions by embedding climate objectives within the existing institution, a process known as layering. However, such assimilation of climate governance within the existing bureaucracy has arguably limited its transformative capacity. Despite the downsides, institutional layering has proved to be more resilient for long- term climate investment in a non-climate consensus country like Indonesia. We highlight the importance of examining the domestic political setting for explaining the institutionalization process of climate objectives. The interplay between politics and institutions provides a critical lens for understanding limitations to the transformative capacities of forest governance over time.
Embargo
Aligning policies, maintaining power: State-society conflicts and state responses to food crises in Indonesia and Nigeria
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2023-09-27) Sirojuddin Arif
Despite the importance of food for both economic and political reasons, why do governments respond differently to food crises? To answer this question, this article assesses the politics of state responses to food crises in Indonesia and Nigeria in the 1960s and 1970s. Using the state-in-society approach to politics, this research finds that variation in state–society conflicts explains the differences in Indonesia's and Nigeria's responses to the food crises. Conflicts between the state and urban workers led Nigeria to align its food policies with the need to contain urban workers' grievances, while in Indonesia conflicts between peasants and the state led the government to align its food policies with rural development to raise food production and eliminate the source of rural threats. State responses to food crises are therefore context-dependent policies, deeply influenced by the salient form of state–society conflicts.
Controlled Access
Waning inter-faith co-existence : Hindu populism and BJP identity politics in India
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Pasha, Mohammad Moin; Nia Deliana; Rifqi Munna
In the last couple of decades, increasing number of multi-race and multi-religious countries witness inter-faith conflict. Numerous studies invoke on the significant role of political parties involvement in shaping the division through populism and identity politics, In India, BJP presumably plays a crucial contribution in the division of Hindu and the non-Hindus relations in India. The upper-class elite of Hindu who are member to BJP promoted exclusionary narratives of dominant religion and in result, Indian witnessed increasing amount of violence against its minorities. This study examines BJP identity politics and Hindu populism within the interfaith communities in India. It looks into the usage of religion by the BJP and its political rhetoric. It further investigates factors of Hindu populism that trigger conflict among Muslims, Christians, and the Dalits. By employing a qualitative research design, the study utilizes case study methods, constructed through descriptive discourse analysis based on speeches, and the media framing beside utilizing secondary materials across the libraries India was founded on the principles of peaceful co-existence by Gandhi but the wave of Hindu populism is creating issues for the minorities. It is expected that this study contributes to the additional narratives on populism and identity politics in academic sphere as it provides the process and solution for the current situation in India.