Political Science

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Open Access
Adoption of the palm oil moratorium policy in response to the EU’s red II : Indonesia case
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Wahyu Wulandari; Testriono; Moch Faisal Karim
How did RED II push the Indonesian government to implement a moratorium policy for the palm oil industry? This research investigate how RED II regulations pressured the Indonesian government to adopt the palm oil moratorium policy and why this happened. RED II, or Renewable Energy Directive II, is a continuation policy from the previous RED implemented by the European Union to regulate the use of renewable energy and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. RED II is considered stricter, especially in regulating the use of biofuels derived from palm oil, and the moratorium policy is one of the efforts made by Indonesia after facing various regulations that affect the presence of palm oil in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative approach to explore the factors that influence Indonesia's decision making in responding to global demands for the sustainability of the palm oil industry, especially after the emergence of RED II. By using Spalding's policy adoption approach, the research results show that the adoption of the moratorium policy in Indonesia is influenced by significant pressure from the European Union, especially the RED II policy, which limits palm oil imports because of its impact on deforestation and climate change. However, these factors are not enough to explain how Indonesia adopted the moratorium and why it happened, thus there are internal factors, namely related to socio-economic conditions and bureaucratic aspects in Indonesia which encourage massive expansion of oil palm plantations. Specifically, the availability of large areas of land encourages continuous expansion because it provides greater economic opportunities. On the bureaucratic side, it refers to the internal dynamics where the moratorium emerged as a response to the government's difficulties and challenges in overcoming the oil palm issue. These internal dynamics can be seen from the overlapping regulations and agencies which are also influenced by the decentralized system in Indonesia and makes coordination between central and regional institutions difficult. This research concludes that these external and internal factors influence each other, thus encouraging Indonesia to adopt a moratorium policy as an effort to overcome difficulties and challenges regarding the sustainability issues of the palm oil industry.
Embargo
Aligning policies, maintaining power: State-society conflicts and state responses to food crises in Indonesia and Nigeria
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2023-09-27) Sirojuddin Arif
Despite the importance of food for both economic and political reasons, why do governments respond differently to food crises? To answer this question, this article assesses the politics of state responses to food crises in Indonesia and Nigeria in the 1960s and 1970s. Using the state-in-society approach to politics, this research finds that variation in state–society conflicts explains the differences in Indonesia's and Nigeria's responses to the food crises. Conflicts between the state and urban workers led Nigeria to align its food policies with the need to contain urban workers' grievances, while in Indonesia conflicts between peasants and the state led the government to align its food policies with rural development to raise food production and eliminate the source of rural threats. State responses to food crises are therefore context-dependent policies, deeply influenced by the salient form of state–society conflicts.
Controlled Access
Altruism or status-seeking: the global south and Indonesia's humanitarian aid to Afghanistan
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Mirzayi, Qudrat; Nia Deliana; Moch Faisal Karim
Humanitarianism and humanitarian aid are noble concepts and practices, but sometimes, they can be a controversial method of statecraft, employed solely for a country’s own national and international strategic interests. This issue is considerable in Global South countries, which, despite their low- and middle-income economic capacity (mostly not all), can still provide international humanitarian aid — as showcased by Indonesia’s regular provision of international aid to Afghanistan since 2001. Based on this assumption, this research seeks to understand whether Indonesian humanitarian aid to Afghanistan an altruism-based foreign policy is or prompted by a statecraft status-seeking strategy formed to shape and elevate Indonesia’s status as an emerging middle power in the Global South humanitarian index. The author employed a qualitative method to achieve this objective, relying on the process tracing technique for data analysis. By consulting numerous foreign affairs reports, index records, archival sources, and interviews, this research found that altruism isthe strongest motivation driving Indonesia’s humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. Strategic interests, such as status-seeking, are also considerable factors, but most indicators showed that altruism, which is rooted in religious beliefs and the country’s Constitution, is the most significant reason for the aid. This is followed by Indonesia’s religious and historical solidarity with Afghanistan.
Open Access
Analysis of Indonesian foreign policy in facing geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-Pacific : comparative foreign policy of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) and Joko Widodo (2014-onwards) administrations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sarini; Afrimadona; M. Rifqi Muna
Today the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region has become a question of international concern. The area is also a theater of conflict between regional and great-power countries. Therefore, considering that Indonesia is the Indo-Pacific region's epicenter, the country must adjust its foreign policy in the region. This study examines distinct approaches to the management of the geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region during the administrations of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), with particular focus on how Indonesia responds to conflicts in the South China Sea. The research method in this study is qualitative, using a descriptive approach and developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on the data collected. This study uses primary and secondary data to gain information about Indonesia's policy strategy and behavior. In analyzing Indonesia's foreign policy, this study looks at the enmeshment strategy from the perspective of hedging theory. Furthermore, this study uses idiosyncratic theory as an analytical knife to see why the two governments took different positions. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia's foreign policy during both the SBY and Jokowi administrations in dealing with geopolitical turmoil in the Indo-pacific, especially in the South China Sea conflict, used an enmeshment strategy. However, the difference is that during SBY's time, Indonesia's foreign policy approach was more likely to be normative and globalist, while during the Jokowi administration, it has tended to be more assertive and pragmatic. In addition, the results of the idiosyncratic theory analysis found that the leader's personality type had implications for leadership style and foreign policy decisions. Therefore, the SBY and Jokowi administrations have different foreign policy approaches in dealing with geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-pacific.
Embargo
Assessing the China threat : perspectives of university students in Jakarta on the South China Sea dispute and the belt and road Initiative
(Springer International Publishing, 2024-04-13) Moch Faisal Karim; Annisa Milatia Rahman; Suwarno
Discussions on the ‘China threat theory’ in Southeast Asia have been reignited by China’s assertive manoeuvres in the South China Sea and its expansive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While substantial research has investigated the views of political elites and policymakers, the perceptions of educated urban youth, particularly regarding China’s geopolitical and economic strategies, remain underexplored. This study centers on Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s most populous nation, to gauge the sentiments of urban youth towards China’s rising influence. Through a survey of 403 university students in Jakarta and its vicinity, we reveal an intensifying negative stance among these young, educated Indonesians corresponding with China’s increased assertiveness and economic pursuits under the BRI. This article underscores the nuanced perspectives of Indonesia’s future leaders, offering a targeted analysis of the attitudes of educated youth in an urban setting towards evolving Sino-Indonesian relations.
Open Access
Comparing Moralities in the Abrahamic and Indic Religions Using Cognitive Science: Kindness, Peace, and Love versus Justice, Violence, and Hate
(MDPI, 2023-02-02) Aria Nakissa
Recent cognitive science research indicates that humans possess numerous biologically rooted religious and moral intuitions. The present article draws on this research to compare forms of religious morality in the Abrahamic traditions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) and the Indic traditions (Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism). Special attention is given to moral teachings on kindness, peace, and love, as well as related teachings on justice, violence, and hate. The article considers how moral intuitions shape Abrahamic/Indic moral teachings, which, in turn, impact: (1) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning politics, law, and war; (2) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning individual ethics, and moral behavior proper to monastics and laypersons; and (3) Abrahamic/Indic doctrines concerning theological matters, such as the nature of the universe, souls, and deities.
Open Access
Enhancing election integrity : a comparative study of NGO election monitoring in the Philippines and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Perwita Suci; Philips J. Vermonte; Sirojuddin Arif
What causes variations in election integrity scores across democratic countries? A number of scholars argue that election integrity scores are influenced by regime type and economic development. Yet there are several countries that have the same regime and economic development but obtain different election integrity scores. By comparing the Philippines and Indonesia, this thesis will try to assess civil society involvement through the level of robustness of election monitoring activities by NGOs, which is considered a key factor in the variation in election integrity values in democratic countries. This is because formal election monitoring institutions are deemed incapable of maintaining free and fair elections. The robustness of an NGO is indicated by the results of its strategy implementation. The strategies used were divided into two types in this paper: new and old strategies. A new strategy is the implementation of a strategy that has never been done by an NGO before; this is characterized by collaborating with international organizations and becoming a pseudo-government partner. Meanwhile, the old strategy is a strategy usually used by NGOs to influence the quality of elections, for instance, becoming the government's antagonists or not collaborating with international organizations. By implementing the former and collaborating with international NGOs, various forms of support can be accessed as a reference and basis for the NGOs to run their election monitoring activities effectively. In addition, becoming a pseudo-government partner also makes it easier to convince the government about the importance of NGOs' presence in free and fair elections. Meanwhile, NGOs that adhere to the old strategy do not receive any support from international organizations and become enemies of the government, which causes the government to crack down on the scope of NGO involvement in election activities.
Open Access
Examining patron-client dynamics : the US alliances and disproportionalities toward South Korea and the Philippines in cold war era
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Nizar Lukman; Muna, M. Rifqi; Nia Deliana
This study attempts to explore the contribution of the US as a patron country in alliance relations to the economic development of its client countries. One form of this contribution is the provision of foreign assistance that can be used as capital to develop the economy of the client country. However, the question is why in its allocation there are often uneven dynamics among its client countries so this study attempts to explore what causes the US to provide a large amount of foreign assistance to some of its client countries while others do not, this can be the main reason why some US alliance countries have good economic development while others have poor development by analyzing the case of South Korea which tends to receive a more significant amount of aid while the Philippines with a smaller amount. The two main factors that will be studied are the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion which exhibit patron-client dynamics in alliance relations can explain the phenomenon. Those two main variables can determine differences in foreign assistance allocation; the main method is process tracing, part of Qualitative which seeks to find causal mechanisms with a time sequence. The results of this study indicate that the US allocates more foreign assistance to client countries when the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion are high, while if one of the factors is low then the allocation of assistance is also low. This research is expected to contribute to international relations, especially for those trying to see how security can influence the political economy.
Open Access
Examining the defense of blasphemy laws in Pakistan : the case of tehreek-e-labbaik Pakistan
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Shoukat, Hamad; Ridwan; Philips J. Vermonte
The rise of Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) from a small religious party to a political force in Pakistani politics has been rapid. TLP, a significant political group in favour of blasphemy laws, has rallied Pakistani citizens to mobilize under the banner of Barelvi Islam. The political ascension of Barelvi Islam in Pakistan is highly influenced by anti-blasphemy movements, particularly TLP's. The political interpretation of Barelvi in TLP has led to a transformation from an open religious culture into an exclusive and stringent religious affair centred on reverence for the Prophet Muhammad. This transformation has fueled a surge in anti-blasphemy action, as TLP follows a populist approach to build a support base for its cause. Critics of TLP's position are perceived as adversaries of Islam and the Prophet. The popularity of TLP can be attributed to the recognition of the hierarchy between religious leaders and their followers, the explosion of social media, and TLP's hypervigilant and proactive responses to global cases of blasphemy over the past decade. In this light, the study aims to gain a deeper understanding of TLP’s engagement in Pakistani politics. The researcher will employ the library research and qualitative method to analyze documents such as articles, reports, books, and journals. Thematic analysis of data from various sources, including papers, speeches, and the media, will underscore religious discourse, blasphemy legislation, and social media mobilization. The TLP movement has become an essential chapter in the political history of Pakistan, reflecting the dynamism of the struggle to address the issue of blasphemy within the country.
Open Access
Examining the dynamic of Indonesia's transnational networks in advocating Indonesia-Israel relations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ronaa Nisa’us Sholikhah; Moch Faisal Karim; Philips Jusario Vermonte
Why do some transnational actors create and engage in networks that advocate for Indonesia-Israel relations? Previous literature emphasizes that the role of transnational advocacy networks is to legitimize the interests of issues that arise in society. However, transnational actors are indirectly used by third countries to legitimize the relationship between two countries that do not have diplomatic relations. This thesis uses process tracing to see how the dynamics of the role of actors involved in advocating IndonesiaIsrael relations. The reason they are involved in the network is because of the common interests with the third country. In this case, there are three important networks in the advocacy: business, minority groups, and Islamic-based. All three are formed by common norms and goals so they have different legitimacy. There are two framings that they use as advocacy strategies, namely alignment and resonance. This strategy takes the form of groups and the use of social media as an alternative to legitimacy. The three networks have different consequences for the community and the government. Legitimacy, which is the foundation of advocacy, does not necessarily have a positive impact on policy change or public opinion. Minority groups are more sustainable due to the strength of connections in the advocacy process than other networks. This is because business networks are more concerned with maintaining relationships for profit. Meanwhile, Islamic-based groups are more fragile because members in the network are individuals and not institutions or organizations.
Open Access
Gezi park protest and the coup d’etat : EU democratic conditionality in Turkiye’s frozen accession negotiations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Khairunnas; Nia Deliana; A'an Suryana
Turkiye's desire to become a part of the European Union has existed even before the country became a republic, championed by the republicans of the country who view Europe as a source of economic, political, and social progress. Turkiye is the country that has been in the accession process, called accession negotiations, the longest, a process that every candidate country must go through. The glimmer of hope in these accession negotiations was finally extinguished in 2018 when the process was put on standstill by the Council of the European Union. "Standstill" is actually a somewhat ambiguous status because it does not specify in detail whether Turkiye's accession negotiations have been canceled or will not be continued. Furthermore, the reason for the standstill status was not explicitly stated in the decision issued, such as what event or Turkish government policy was considered the most significant contributing factor to the decision to put the accession negotiations on standstill. Scholars also provide various interpretations regarding the most contributing factors, including increased authoritarianism under the leadership of the AKP, territorial disputes with Greece, the Cyprus conflict, and cultural and social differences between Turkiye and European societies. This thesis argues that there are two major events considered to have significantly contributed to the council's decision to put the process on standstill. These events are analyzed using democratic conditionality theory and the process tracing research method on the two cases. Additionally, this research validates findings by comparing them with the scholarly statements made by three scholars concerned with Turkiye and the European Union.
Open Access
How regional organisation survives: ASEAN, hedging and international society
(Informa UK, 2023-05-23) I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana; Moch Faisal Karim
How can a regional organisation survive in great power contests? This article uses the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as the empirical case to address the puzzle. The inquiry is important for three reasons. First, the recent developments in world politics have shown the increasingly penetrative actions of the major powers into regional multilateral organisations. Second, looking at ASEAN, the internal cohesion and solidity of the Association's member countries over the last decade have been challenged by the competition between China and the U.S. Third, the existing literature on ASEAN regional strategic affairs has been focused on hedging as the weaker states’ agential choice to manage their relations with the stronger states. However, there is insufficient explanation of what makes sustainable Southeast Asian states’ hedging possible. Working within the English School theory of IR, this article offers two factors explaining ASEAN’s survival as a regional international society: elite diplomatic culture and great power management. The argument is that ASEAN has developed its ideas and values of intra-regional diplomatic relations and built institutions that can mitigate the damaging consequences of the U.S.–China order contestation. Furthermore, this study promotes an English School perspective on hedging based on the ASEAN case. Arguing against the realist theory of hedging, which focuses on the domestic function of foreign policy strategy, the narrow conception of national interests and the relative distribution of power at the systemic level, hedging works because of viable institutions of the regional international society oriented toward constructing and preserving order.
Embargo
How the state frames its engagement in renminbi internationalization: The case of Indonesia
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2024-01-14) Mellynia; Moch Faisal Karim
The rise of China has accelerated Renminbi (RMB) internationalization. While there seems to be global support for RMB internationalization, there is a gap in understanding how developing nations, facing potential domestic skepticism, rationalize and articulate their support. This article discusses narratives that states use to legitimize their support for RMB internationalization. Using the case of Indonesia, this article examines the country's policy responses to China's RMB internationalization strategy. It uncovers that Indonesia frames its engagement with RMB internationalization not merely as an endorsement of China's global ambitions but as a strategic move to hedge against US dollar vulnerability and to foster broader Asian regional integration, particularly in terms of currency cooperation. This article enriches the existing literature, providing a nuanced perspective on how states navigate the complexities of international economic diplomacy, crafting narratives that align with their strategic interests and policy objectives in the evolving landscape of global currency politics.
Open Access
Identifying first-time voter preferences : a conjoint experiment among high school students in East Jakarta Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ja’far Muhammad; Sirojuddin Arif; Afrimadona
What attributes do first-time voters prefer in a legislative candidate? This study aims to demonstrate the characteristics first-time voters prefer from a legislative candidate. Through a conjoint experiment that allows researchers to identify and nonparametrically estimate the causal effects of many components simultaneously, this study found show that first-time voters’ preferences. Factors that are significant in influencing the predicted results are educational attainment, political party identity, residency, experience, age, and blusukan (impromptu visits). In contrast, this study’s findings did not find any correlation between a candidate’s success and their campaign strategy in terms of the number of billboards they used, how often they appeared on social media, or their interactions on social media. The results of this study do, however, reflect on how first-time voters consider the many attributes of a candidate and make their decisions when casting their ballots.
Open Access
In the Making of Salafi-Based Islamic Schools in Indonesia
(Al-Jami'ah Research Centre, 2022) Jamhari Makruf; Saifudin Asrori
The Salafi manhaj (method) is emerging as a new form of Islamic education, in addition to the existing pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and madrasah (Islamic school) education systems, both of which have long histories in Indonesia. The presence of these schools reflects Salafi efforts to achieve “purification of Islam” though adherence to the idea of returning to the ‘authentic Islam’ as practiced by the early generations of Muslim. Salafi manhaj schools are also part of a transnational Islamic movement that has purposely spread ideas and movements from the Middle East around the world, including to Indonesia. Over time, these schools have developed into two models: Integrated Islamic Schools and Salafi manhaj pesantrens. Both aim to instill Islamic tenets that comply with the Salafi manhaj and disseminate and incorporate such tenets in the religious practices of Indonesian Muslims, although the Integrated Islamic Schools are more inclusive and teach aspects of the conventional state curriculum too. This article challenges previous findings that the influence of Salafi education has faded in Indonesia as efforts to combat Islamist terrorism globally have increased, arguing that Salafi educators have been strategic and effective in promoting their approach to religious education.
Open Access
Indonesia's role in promoting the agenda of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in ASEAN
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Ramita Paraswati; Philips J. Vermonte; Ridwan
This study aims to examine the role of Indonesia in promoting UNSCR 1325 on the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional bloc by positioning itself as a middle power. Indonesia has strategically planned its status as a middle power and implemented it in the WPS issue. By employing role theory to explain middle-power behavior, this study explores the factor of historical experience, ego, and alter expectations relating to Indonesia's identification as the voice of developing countries, a regional leader, an advocate of democracy, and a bridge-builder in advancing the WPS agenda in ASEAN. This research used a qualitative method, in-depth interviews with stakeholders, and a desk literature review. This study found that Indonesia appears to be a middle power in promoting UNSCR 1325 in ASEAN. In addition, this research also proposes that the foreign policy actor's background determines the middle power's role. The experience of implementing, the contribution of civil society organizations (CSOs), and initiating several programs relating to the WPS agenda, positions Indonesia as an actor that plays a significant role in promoting the WPS agenda in ASEAN. These findings provide significant implications for studying how a state positions itself as a middle power on the WPS issue.
Open Access
Indonesian image of the ottoman caliphate and the new republic of Türkiye 1918–1925
(Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) Jakarta, 2024) Mehmet Özay; Nia Deliana
This article is a preliminary study on Indonesians’ perceptions on the decline of the Ottoman Caliphate, and the rise of the Turkish Republic based on the highlights in vernacular press printed in Java and Sumatra. By scrutinizing textual discourse on the Caliphate and the Turkish Republic, this paper examined Indonesians’ views delivered in newspapers, such as Poestaka Hizboel Wathan, Medan Prijaji, Soeara Islam, Zaman Baroe, and Bintang Islam. These newspapers informed on the consecutive political changes, including a total ‘weltanschauung’ during the ruling era of Mustafa Kemal, which drew the significant attention of Indonesian readers, contradictory responses on the complexities of the developments among the intellectuals. Through qualitative methodology and content analysis, this paper gives additional contribution to the study of historical relations between Indonesia and Türkiye.
Embargo
Institutional layering in climate policy: Insights from REDD+ governance in Indonesia
(Elsevier, 2023-07-22) Silvio Hermawan; Moch Faisal Karim; Lena Rethel
The transformation of forest governance in low- and middle-income countries has been accelerated due to increased international pressure for climate change adaptation. These efforts, however, have been severely limited by inefficiencies within the forest-related state institutions tasked with addressing governance challenges, such as coordination, mediating political interests, and strategy-setting. This article contributes to the discussion of forest governance by providing an alternative view of such constraints. Using the case of the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) program in Indonesia, we examine the institutionalization process of the climate agenda in the forestry sector and how it influences forest governance transformation. We argue that the climate agenda has been institutionalized in Indonesia’s forest institutions by embedding climate objectives within the existing institution, a process known as layering. However, such assimilation of climate governance within the existing bureaucracy has arguably limited its transformative capacity. Despite the downsides, institutional layering has proved to be more resilient for long- term climate investment in a non-climate consensus country like Indonesia. We highlight the importance of examining the domestic political setting for explaining the institutionalization process of climate objectives. The interplay between politics and institutions provides a critical lens for understanding limitations to the transformative capacities of forest governance over time.
Open Access
Islamic terrorism, the consequence of foreign intervention in the Muslim world : the cases of ASL and ISIS
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Khelfa, Nouha; Djayadi Hanan; Jamhari Ma’ruf
Although there is significant available literature on the study of the origins of Islamic-inspired terrorism, little is known about the origins of the Islamic State in Syria, and Ansar Sharia in Libya, and this is a gap that this study will attempt to fill. In addition, the two existing streams of IR theory on terrorism: Traditionalism and CTS lack analytical and problem-solving power, respectively. This study, therefore, will attempt to synthesize insights from both schools of thought to overcome their weaknesses and combine their strengths. This study aims to explain the origins of Islamic terrorism by using the narrative approach to collect data and process tracing and the organizational theory as a methodology. This study argues that foreign intervention, whether direct or indirect, in the Muslim World, causes state breakdown and subsequent failures in the areas of economy, defense, and ideology, leading to the rise of terrorist groups. This study only focuses on two case studies that are rarely investigated: the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), with a focus on Syria, and Ansar Al-Sharia in Libya (ASL). The results show that indirect foreign intervention of the United States and Russia in Syria in 2011 onward led to the social construction of sectarianism in the country, turning the Arab Spring into a sectarian civil war. This latter would lead to the state deconstruction that would lead to the creation of different insurgent groups, including ISIS. The direct military intervention of NATO in Libya in 2011 would lead to the transformation of the Arab Spring into the First Libyan Civil War, causing the dissolution of different state institutions, including the army, and creating different militia groups, among which is ASL.
Embargo
Local government coordination capacity in reducing stunting prevalence : cases of Bekasi city and Bogor city
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Tri Sulistianing Astuti; Sirojuddin Arif; A'an Suryana
Stunting remains a global problem, including in Indonesia. Despite the nature of stunting reduction as a benevolent policy, which tends to be less prioritized by politicians, many countries have succeeded in reducing stunting. It raised a question: under what conditions does the government pursue stunting reduction? Most studies point out the commitment of political leaders as the main driver of the stunting reduction. However, in a democratic government, a political leader has a term limit, which makes him vulnerable to continuity of stunting reduction in the long term. Hence, I argue that the bureaucratic capacity could better drive stunting reduction since bureaucrats serve longer than political leaders. Focusing on coordination capacity, this research assesses the variation outcome of stunting reduction in Bekasi City and Bogor City during the changing landscape of stunting policies from 2018 to 2022 by employing a comparative qualitative method with Most Similar System Designs. This research concludes a strong capacity of street-level bureaucracy coordination was the core of Bekasi City’s better performance in stunting reduction compared to Bogor City. Therefore, understanding the need for a strong coordination capacity in bureaucracy and the impact of not having it can significantly contribute to increasing the successful delivery program of benevolent policy in a local government.