Theses - Political Science

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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14576/29

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Browsing Theses - Political Science by Author "A'an Suryana"

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    Gezi park protest and the coup d’etat : EU democratic conditionality in Turkiye’s frozen accession negotiations
    (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Khairunnas; Nia Deliana; A'an Suryana
    Turkiye's desire to become a part of the European Union has existed even before the country became a republic, championed by the republicans of the country who view Europe as a source of economic, political, and social progress. Turkiye is the country that has been in the accession process, called accession negotiations, the longest, a process that every candidate country must go through. The glimmer of hope in these accession negotiations was finally extinguished in 2018 when the process was put on standstill by the Council of the European Union. "Standstill" is actually a somewhat ambiguous status because it does not specify in detail whether Turkiye's accession negotiations have been canceled or will not be continued. Furthermore, the reason for the standstill status was not explicitly stated in the decision issued, such as what event or Turkish government policy was considered the most significant contributing factor to the decision to put the accession negotiations on standstill. Scholars also provide various interpretations regarding the most contributing factors, including increased authoritarianism under the leadership of the AKP, territorial disputes with Greece, the Cyprus conflict, and cultural and social differences between Turkiye and European societies. This thesis argues that there are two major events considered to have significantly contributed to the council's decision to put the process on standstill. These events are analyzed using democratic conditionality theory and the process tracing research method on the two cases. Additionally, this research validates findings by comparing them with the scholarly statements made by three scholars concerned with Turkiye and the European Union.
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    Local government coordination capacity in reducing stunting prevalence : cases of Bekasi city and Bogor city
    (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Tri Sulistianing Astuti; Sirojuddin Arif; A'an Suryana
    Stunting remains a global problem, including in Indonesia. Despite the nature of stunting reduction as a benevolent policy, which tends to be less prioritized by politicians, many countries have succeeded in reducing stunting. It raised a question: under what conditions does the government pursue stunting reduction? Most studies point out the commitment of political leaders as the main driver of the stunting reduction. However, in a democratic government, a political leader has a term limit, which makes him vulnerable to continuity of stunting reduction in the long term. Hence, I argue that the bureaucratic capacity could better drive stunting reduction since bureaucrats serve longer than political leaders. Focusing on coordination capacity, this research assesses the variation outcome of stunting reduction in Bekasi City and Bogor City during the changing landscape of stunting policies from 2018 to 2022 by employing a comparative qualitative method with Most Similar System Designs. This research concludes a strong capacity of street-level bureaucracy coordination was the core of Bekasi City’s better performance in stunting reduction compared to Bogor City. Therefore, understanding the need for a strong coordination capacity in bureaucracy and the impact of not having it can significantly contribute to increasing the successful delivery program of benevolent policy in a local government.
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    Personality traits and presidential political risktaking behavior : Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo case studies
    (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ismail Alviano; A'an Suryana; Afrimadona
    Why do presidents in various similar situations display differences in decision making in situations involving risk? Previous presidential studies have considered differences in personality traits as a strong factor influencing differences in presidential attitudes and behavior. Existing literature has succeeded in proving the role of personality in the context of presidential behavior, such as campaign style and leadership style. Despite this, the president's attitude and behavior toward risk is still an untouched puzzle. This thesis offers the influence of personality trait variables that underlie differences in a president‟s risk-taking behavior. To prove this hypothesis, this study was carried out by conducting a multi-case study involving Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo as two Indonesian presidents who had many similar situations but had many differences in their decision making. The method used in this research is assessment-at-distance using measurement techniques through adaptation of the big five personality traits and risk-taking behavior scale. The findings of this study support the existence of differences in personality traits that underlie presidential differences in risk taking. Through the analysis result, it was found that presidents with personality traits of high openness to experience with low conscientiousness and neuroticism tend to be risk takers. On the other hand, presidents with high extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism will tend to avoid risk.
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    The paradox of kiai politics (Role of kiai in the 2019 presidental election in Madura)
    (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Masduri; Djayadi Hanan; A'an Suryana
    Jokowi-Ma'ruf's defeat and Prabowo-Sandi's victory in Madura in the 2019 presidential election cannot be separated from the political role of the kiai. The kiai is included in the cosmological figures, Bhuppa Bhabhu, Ghuru and Rato (Father-Mother, Teacher and King), who are highly respected by the Madurese people. The kiai is the representation of the teacher, whose teachings and orders must be obeyed by the santri (students) or society in general. For this reason, the political choice of kiai in Madura in the 2019 presidential election influenced the choices of many santri and voters in general. What happened in Madura emphasizes the concept of the "selectorate" (Mesquita et al, 2003) in electoral political contestation, which can influence the composition of the ruling coalition and the population in a broader sense, as well as voters in a special sense. The kiai's strategy, support and active involvement will determine the position and victory of the candidate he supports. Even though in the 2019 presidential election there was a cultural paradox of kiai politics, where the Jokowi-Ma'ruf candidate pair, who represented the kiai and NU, lost in Madura, which is a base of the kiai and NU. This paradox occurs because of at least four things, the issue of identity politics (1), the domination of social media (2), the influence of political ideology (3), and the political aggressiveness of the kiai (4). There is obvious Islamic devotion in the Madurese community, where candidates who are supported by the majority of the habaib and kiai receive much greater support than candidates from the kiai themselves or the NU structural representation.
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    Women's political participation in Indonesia's 2019 election : what contributed to the increasing number of women candidates ?
    (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Hayatun Nufus; A'an Suryana; Philips J. Vermonte
    Although political parties have been able to meet the requirement that there be at least 30% women in the legislature, practically all political parties have confessed that it is difficult for them to recruit women to run for office, however, in the 2019 election, a phenomenon occurred where the number of female legislative candidates increased in all political parties ranging from 37-55% This research explains why this was the case by discussing two variables: the role of political training and the pattern of the selection process within the political process. The two questions are formulated First. how did training in women's political participation by multiple stakeholders encourage female candidates to run for office in the 2019 election, bringing about the increased number and percentage of the list of candidates in the election? Second, what was the pattern of recruitment of political parties' participants in the 2019 election in selecting female candidates for parliament? The objectives of this study are First, to investigate whether political training undertaken by Indonesian women resulted in an increase in women candidates in the final list of candidates. Second, to examine the influence of political party recruiting trends in selecting candidates that exceeded the 30% nomination criteria of women participating in elections. The methodology employed in this study was qualitative using selected cases. Based on these two factors, the objective of this research shows that studies of women in politics that usually focus on women candidates who win seats can also be looked at through women's participation at the candidacy stage. The research and results of this study are expected to contribute theoretically and practically. First, the theoretical benefit is the development of science The findings from this study show that political parties with women's cadre schools and training for women cadres have a significant stock of candidates, so they have no difficulty getting women candidates. In contrast, political parties that do not have a mechanism for educating women candidates find it difficult but are helped by the existence of training held by the government and NGOs, both local and international Thus, the increase in the number of female candidates is the break-even point between the high demand from political parties due to being forced by the 30% gender quota system and the readiness of women who have received training to become legislative candidates for political parties in the 2019 election Advocacy by civil society organizations (CSOs) for women's voices can be an indirect cause and impact on internal party mechanisms that are friendlier and prepare female candidates to be empowered and confident so that a significant increase in women legislative candidates in the 2019 election ensured the 30% requirement was surpassed.