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Item Open Access Regional retrenchment and shifts : geopolitical restructurisation in the MENA region post-us withdrawal from Afghanistan (2021-2025)(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-08-08) Habib Alfarisi; Rifqi Muna; Samuel BlanchThe geopolitical architecture of the MENA region has witnessed far-reaching structural and economic changes since 2021. The vacuum created by the US withdrawal from Afghanistan has elicited scholarly discourses in recent times as to the continued viability of a unipolar power grandstanding in the region. Adopting the first move advantage and resource cumulativity, this thesis demonstrates how and why a great power’s strategic retreat can produce structural realignments and changes and open fresh opportunities for rival actors. Fixated on a qualitative methodology, this thesis uses the interpretive-base analysis of numerous pieces of primary, secondary and tertiary economic data, scholarly sources to analyse and offer causal explanations for the shifts in bilateral and multilateral relationships, economic alignments, and regional security configurations. The study finds that the U.S. withdrawal has created a power vacuum that has accelerated the regional rise of other influential actors such as China, Russia, and Iran. Concurrently, traditional U.S. allies, most notably Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Egypt, have begun recalibrating their foreign policy orientation by diversifying alliances and reducing dependency on American security guarantees and economic frameworks. By bridging realist theoretical insights with empirical regional developments, this thesis contributes to the ongoing scholarly discourse on hegemonic retrenchment, post-intervention geopolitics, and the evolving nature of great power competition in a multipolar world order.Item Embargo Explaining the rise of a dynastic party in Indonesia : cases of PDIP and Partai Demokrat(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-07-09) Rizky Adhyaksa; Philips J. Vermonte; Gde Dwitya Arief MeteraWhat causes the emergence of dynastic political parties? Dynasty-led parties are not uncommon in developing democracies such as India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and El Salvador. However, Indonesia had seen few examples of genuinely dynastic parties until the the transformation of Partai Demokrat in 2020. Against this backdrop, this thesis aims to explore conditions under which political parties opt for dynastic leadership succession. By comparing Partai Demokrat, as a positive case of a dynastic party, and Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP), as a negative case, this research argues that electoral strategies employed by parties may shape the nature of factional disputes within the organization. In turn, factional disputes influence the likelihood of a hereditary succession within political parties. When factions compete for the party’s top leadership position (i.e. first-tier factional dispute), the possibility of a dynastic succession is minimal. Conversely, when factions compete for anything other than the apex position (i.e. second-tier factional dispute), the possibility of a familial succession becomes more feasible. The evidence for this argument is mixed: the Partai Demokrat case supports the propose mechanism, while the PDIP case presents a more complex picture that appear to challenge the framework. In conclusion, the model developed in this study must undergo further refinement to account for the unique dynamics within PDIP.Item Open Access Chinese debt trap diplomacy : exploring the political narratives by opposition parties in Nigeria and Zambia(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2025-07-23) Njie, Oumie; Philips J. Vermonte; Moch Faisal KarimThis research explores how Nigerian and Zambian opposition political parties frame and strategically use the Chinese Debt Trap Diplomacy (DTD) narrative to challenge the legitimacy of incumbent governments. Although the DTD narrative has become popular globally and is widely explained as a geopolitical strategy employed by China to expand its influence using unsustainable lending, this work redirects analytical attention to the actions of African political elites. The critique contends that opposition parties reinterpret the DTD script under domestic political circumstances to suit party political agendas, applying it to depict governing parties as corrupt, fiscally irresponsible, and guilty of compromising national sovereignty.The research uses qualitative methodology grounded in critical discourse analysis, sampling from political speeches, parliamentary reports, media releases, and policy documents between 2015 and 2023. The analytical model borrows from DeBoom's Geopolitical Narrative Theory and Walter Fisher's Narrative Paradigm, which advances the argument that a narrative succeeds only to the extent that it is internally coherent and consistent with the values of the audience (fidelity). The study addresses the following three main questions: how do opposition parties construct the DTD narrative, whom do they address, and how and when do they disseminate it? Evidence supports that opposition forces in both countries react to construct the DTD narrative, not to blame the Chinese intention, but to portray the ruling elites as public trust violators. In Nigeria, opposition communication is future-oriented and symbolic, emphasizing potential dangers to national sovereignty; in Zambia, it is crisis-oriented and rooted in an acquired economic experience. Target audiences vary: in Nigeria, opposition communication targets urban, professional, and youth segments of the electorate, whereas in Zambia it appeals more strongly to economically hard-pressed and rural segments. They are used intentionally during election cycles, periods of economic distress, and controversial policy battles, periods when there is heightened political agitation and more public criticism. The findings of the study are twofold. Theoretically, it demonstrates the malleability of global scripts in local political contexts and affirms the precedence of narratives in democratic contention. Practically, it illustrates the political risk of secret loan agreements and the requirement for openness in development finance. The research recommends that incumbent governments establish parliamentary oversight of foreign borrowings, that opposition parties focus their criticisms on evidence-based arguments, and that Chinese lenders adopt more transparent and inclusive engagement cultures in Africa. This research ultimately enriches knowledge concerning the localization, politicization, and deployment of global economic narratives within African democracies, thus showcasing narrative processes engaged in elite contestation during globalization.Item Open Access Examining the defense of blasphemy laws in Pakistan : the case of tehreek-e-labbaik Pakistan(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Shoukat, Hamad; Ridwan; Philips J. VermonteThe rise of Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) from a small religious party to a political force in Pakistani politics has been rapid. TLP, a significant political group in favour of blasphemy laws, has rallied Pakistani citizens to mobilize under the banner of Barelvi Islam. The political ascension of Barelvi Islam in Pakistan is highly influenced by anti-blasphemy movements, particularly TLP's. The political interpretation of Barelvi in TLP has led to a transformation from an open religious culture into an exclusive and stringent religious affair centred on reverence for the Prophet Muhammad. This transformation has fueled a surge in anti-blasphemy action, as TLP follows a populist approach to build a support base for its cause. Critics of TLP's position are perceived as adversaries of Islam and the Prophet. The popularity of TLP can be attributed to the recognition of the hierarchy between religious leaders and their followers, the explosion of social media, and TLP's hypervigilant and proactive responses to global cases of blasphemy over the past decade. In this light, the study aims to gain a deeper understanding of TLP’s engagement in Pakistani politics. The researcher will employ the library research and qualitative method to analyze documents such as articles, reports, books, and journals. Thematic analysis of data from various sources, including papers, speeches, and the media, will underscore religious discourse, blasphemy legislation, and social media mobilization. The TLP movement has become an essential chapter in the political history of Pakistan, reflecting the dynamism of the struggle to address the issue of blasphemy within the country.Item Open Access Identifying first-time voter preferences : a conjoint experiment among high school students in East Jakarta Indonesia(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ja’far Muhammad; Sirojuddin Arif; AfrimadonaWhat attributes do first-time voters prefer in a legislative candidate? This study aims to demonstrate the characteristics first-time voters prefer from a legislative candidate. Through a conjoint experiment that allows researchers to identify and nonparametrically estimate the causal effects of many components simultaneously, this study found show that first-time voters’ preferences. Factors that are significant in influencing the predicted results are educational attainment, political party identity, residency, experience, age, and blusukan (impromptu visits). In contrast, this study’s findings did not find any correlation between a candidate’s success and their campaign strategy in terms of the number of billboards they used, how often they appeared on social media, or their interactions on social media. The results of this study do, however, reflect on how first-time voters consider the many attributes of a candidate and make their decisions when casting their ballots.Item Open Access The impact of terrorist attacks on foreign direct investment : evidence from the Muslim world(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ghulam Ruchma Algiffary; Ridwan; Samuel David Blanch; AfrimadonaDo terrorist attacks with target variations affect foreign direct investment in the Muslim World? This thesis uses the panel data regression method (time-series and crossunits) with a quantitative approach based on 47 Muslim countries over 20 years to answer the question. The estimation model selected to provide the best prediction results in this research data is the random effect model. This thesis uses Stata 17 software as a panel data processing tool. The prediction result of this thesis is the impact of five variations of terrorist attack targets (business, tourist, government, police, and transportation) on foreign direct investment in the year after the attack. The Muslim World is the object of study because foreign direct investment is the main source of economic prosperity in these countries. The classification of terrorist attack variations is useful to determine the specific impact on foreign direct investment. The hypothesis and rationalization for determining research variables are based on Simon's political risk analysis. Political risk illustrates the classification of terrorist attack variations in affecting foreign investment assets and government. The vulnerability of Muslim countries in the face of political conflict (terrorism) and their dependence on foreign direct investment to support their respective macroeconomies makes this topic a necessary area of study. This thesis found that terrorist attacks on business targets (negative impact), police (negative impact), and government (positive impact) have a significant impact on foreign direct investment in the Muslim World. Meanwhile, terrorist attacks on tourist and transportation targets have no significant impact. Four variables that are the main components of FDI were included in the model to eliminate bias in the statistical calculation (OVB). The four variables are political globalization, political stability, trade openness, and Gross Domestic Product (GDP).Item Controlled Access Timor-Leste’s interest in joining ASEAN : challenges and benefits(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Freitas, Manuel Jerónimo; Djayadi Hanan; Rifqi MunaSince 2011, Timor-Leste has been persistently seeking ASEAN membership because of its aspirations for greater national identity within the region, political stability, and economic advantages. However, the country has yet to attain full membership despite ongoing efforts. This study looks at the reasons behind TimorLeste's bid, the difficulties it confronts, and how ASEAN members feel about its admission. The study is based on a constructivist paradigm, emphasizing how social interactions, ideas, and norms shape regional dynamics and integration processes. Using secondary data sources from government documents, media stories, and scholarly literature, this study uses qualitative approaches. Thematic analysis is employed to find trends regarding the reasons for, difficulties encountered, and advantages of Timor-Leste's ASEAN membership. Important conclusions include that Timor-Leste has several obstacles, even if the country is driven by the possibility of increased political stability, economic progress, and strengthening ofregional identity. These obstacles include the need for significant outside assistance,diplomatic initiatives, political instability, and problems with governance. The ASEAN norms significantly impact the integration process, particularly respect forsovereignty and non-interference.Item Controlled Access Altruism or status-seeking: the global south and Indonesia's humanitarian aid to Afghanistan(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Mirzayi, Qudrat; Nia Deliana; Moch Faisal KarimHumanitarianism and humanitarian aid are noble concepts and practices, but sometimes, they can be a controversial method of statecraft, employed solely for a country’s own national and international strategic interests. This issue is considerable in Global South countries, which, despite their low- and middle-income economic capacity (mostly not all), can still provide international humanitarian aid — as showcased by Indonesia’s regular provision of international aid to Afghanistan since 2001. Based on this assumption, this research seeks to understand whether Indonesian humanitarian aid to Afghanistan an altruism-based foreign policy is or prompted by a statecraft status-seeking strategy formed to shape and elevate Indonesia’s status as an emerging middle power in the Global South humanitarian index. The author employed a qualitative method to achieve this objective, relying on the process tracing technique for data analysis. By consulting numerous foreign affairs reports, index records, archival sources, and interviews, this research found that altruism isthe strongest motivation driving Indonesia’s humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. Strategic interests, such as status-seeking, are also considerable factors, but most indicators showed that altruism, which is rooted in religious beliefs and the country’s Constitution, is the most significant reason for the aid. This is followed by Indonesia’s religious and historical solidarity with Afghanistan.Item Open Access Transactional leadership style in political context : exploring Jokowi's approach and its implications for political finance transparency(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Fahri Badina Nur; Djayadi Hanan; TestrionoHow does President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s transactional leadership style affect the implementation of Political Finance Transparency (PFT)? Previous findings show that Indonesia's PFT is weak due to weak transparency and accountability principles, weak human resources, and a lack of integrity. However, why there has been no real change in terms of strong implementation is still not fully explained. This study aims to add to this void and investigate the variables of Jokowi's transactional leadership style on the weak implementation of PFT in Indonesia. The findings show that Jokowi's transaction with oligarchs and party elites has led to the weak implementation of the PFT. This study uses a qualitative research method through a literature review; analyses of primary and secondary data sources is used to answer this question.Item Open Access Examining the dynamic of Indonesia's transnational networks in advocating Indonesia-Israel relations(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ronaa Nisa’us Sholikhah; Moch Faisal Karim; Philips Jusario VermonteWhy do some transnational actors create and engage in networks that advocate for Indonesia-Israel relations? Previous literature emphasizes that the role of transnational advocacy networks is to legitimize the interests of issues that arise in society. However, transnational actors are indirectly used by third countries to legitimize the relationship between two countries that do not have diplomatic relations. This thesis uses process tracing to see how the dynamics of the role of actors involved in advocating IndonesiaIsrael relations. The reason they are involved in the network is because of the common interests with the third country. In this case, there are three important networks in the advocacy: business, minority groups, and Islamic-based. All three are formed by common norms and goals so they have different legitimacy. There are two framings that they use as advocacy strategies, namely alignment and resonance. This strategy takes the form of groups and the use of social media as an alternative to legitimacy. The three networks have different consequences for the community and the government. Legitimacy, which is the foundation of advocacy, does not necessarily have a positive impact on policy change or public opinion. Minority groups are more sustainable due to the strength of connections in the advocacy process than other networks. This is because business networks are more concerned with maintaining relationships for profit. Meanwhile, Islamic-based groups are more fragile because members in the network are individuals and not institutions or organizations.Item Open Access Gezi park protest and the coup d’etat : EU democratic conditionality in Turkiye’s frozen accession negotiations(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Khairunnas; Nia Deliana; A'an SuryanaTurkiye's desire to become a part of the European Union has existed even before the country became a republic, championed by the republicans of the country who view Europe as a source of economic, political, and social progress. Turkiye is the country that has been in the accession process, called accession negotiations, the longest, a process that every candidate country must go through. The glimmer of hope in these accession negotiations was finally extinguished in 2018 when the process was put on standstill by the Council of the European Union. "Standstill" is actually a somewhat ambiguous status because it does not specify in detail whether Turkiye's accession negotiations have been canceled or will not be continued. Furthermore, the reason for the standstill status was not explicitly stated in the decision issued, such as what event or Turkish government policy was considered the most significant contributing factor to the decision to put the accession negotiations on standstill. Scholars also provide various interpretations regarding the most contributing factors, including increased authoritarianism under the leadership of the AKP, territorial disputes with Greece, the Cyprus conflict, and cultural and social differences between Turkiye and European societies. This thesis argues that there are two major events considered to have significantly contributed to the council's decision to put the process on standstill. These events are analyzed using democratic conditionality theory and the process tracing research method on the two cases. Additionally, this research validates findings by comparing them with the scholarly statements made by three scholars concerned with Turkiye and the European Union.Item Embargo Unravelling the dynamics of authoritarian strategies : a comparative study of Suharto’s new order in Indonesia and Jammeh’s rule in the Gambia(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Bah, Musa; Gde Dwitya Arief Metera; Djayadi HananThe dynamics of authoritarian power consolidation is receiving more attention today than it has ever been before as a result of rising authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. However, there exists an undertheorized and variations on autocrat’s decision calculus for prioritizing repression over co-optation, vice versa. Drawing from this, I make two assumptions that state: 1. Low resource endowment leads to high repression, and 2. High resource endowment leads to low repression and high co-optation. To understand this phenomenon, I compared Yahya Jammeh (1994–2016) in the Gambia (a low resource authoritarian regime) and Suharto (1966–1998) in Indonesia (a high resource authoritarian regime). I used the Gambian case (1994-2016) to explain the first assumption, and the second assumption is examined using the case of Indonesia (1965-1998). By observation, both regimes on the surface appear similar as both were military juntas in Muslimmajority countries. However, the literature shows that their authoritarian strategies and tactics varied in profoundly – Jammeh primarily imposed repression as strategy, whereas Suharto was inclined more towards co-optation. However, I do not argue that this explanation is exclusive, as it is context dependent. To examine this phenomenon, I drew data from government websites, international reports, journal articles, news outlets, and other online resources. Thus, this study intends to contribute to the understanding of autocrats’ decision-making strategyies.Item Embargo Local government coordination capacity in reducing stunting prevalence : cases of Bekasi city and Bogor city(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Tri Sulistianing Astuti; Sirojuddin Arif; A'an SuryanaStunting remains a global problem, including in Indonesia. Despite the nature of stunting reduction as a benevolent policy, which tends to be less prioritized by politicians, many countries have succeeded in reducing stunting. It raised a question: under what conditions does the government pursue stunting reduction? Most studies point out the commitment of political leaders as the main driver of the stunting reduction. However, in a democratic government, a political leader has a term limit, which makes him vulnerable to continuity of stunting reduction in the long term. Hence, I argue that the bureaucratic capacity could better drive stunting reduction since bureaucrats serve longer than political leaders. Focusing on coordination capacity, this research assesses the variation outcome of stunting reduction in Bekasi City and Bogor City during the changing landscape of stunting policies from 2018 to 2022 by employing a comparative qualitative method with Most Similar System Designs. This research concludes a strong capacity of street-level bureaucracy coordination was the core of Bekasi City’s better performance in stunting reduction compared to Bogor City. Therefore, understanding the need for a strong coordination capacity in bureaucracy and the impact of not having it can significantly contribute to increasing the successful delivery program of benevolent policy in a local government.Item Embargo The dynamics of majority-muslim countries’ foreign policy on the global war on terrorism: a comparative analysis of Indonesia and Malaysia under the Megawati Soekarnoputri and Mahathir Mohamad administrations (2001-2004)(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Fahmi Syahirul Alim; Rifqi Muna; Syafii AnwarThe foreign policy dynamics of Islamic-majority countries have been debated in the field of foreign policy studies, especially since the emergence of the Global War on Terror policy after the 9/11 attacks, with a shift in foreign policy analysis that examined more domestic influences, both sociopolitical conditions and the identity and leadership of a country. By using the theory of national role conception and the idiosyncratic approach by looking at the personality of the country's leader, this study argues that the foreign policies of Indonesia and Malaysia in responding to the Global War on Terror were more influenced by domestic political conditions. However, with different institutions, Indonesia is more influenced by civil society, so it projected itself as a bridge builder of Islam and the West and Islam and Democracy. Meanwhile, Malaysia’s response was more due to the power of political parties. The role projected was “defender of the faith” by always wanting to play a role in protecting the interests of the Muslim world as a developing country, and indigenous issues to fulfil domestic political interests. By employing an idiosyncratic approach, the characters and personalities of the two leaders of this country certainly strengthen these two different roles.Item indefinitely restricted The emergence of the Indonesian campus union under system strain : a comparative case study of the University of Indonesia Workers Association (PPUI) and Campus Workers Union (SPK)(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Bobi Arisandi; Sirojuddin Arif; Munna, M. RifqiItem Open Access Enhancing election integrity : a comparative study of NGO election monitoring in the Philippines and Indonesia(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Perwita Suci; Philips J. Vermonte; Sirojuddin ArifWhat causes variations in election integrity scores across democratic countries? A number of scholars argue that election integrity scores are influenced by regime type and economic development. Yet there are several countries that have the same regime and economic development but obtain different election integrity scores. By comparing the Philippines and Indonesia, this thesis will try to assess civil society involvement through the level of robustness of election monitoring activities by NGOs, which is considered a key factor in the variation in election integrity values in democratic countries. This is because formal election monitoring institutions are deemed incapable of maintaining free and fair elections. The robustness of an NGO is indicated by the results of its strategy implementation. The strategies used were divided into two types in this paper: new and old strategies. A new strategy is the implementation of a strategy that has never been done by an NGO before; this is characterized by collaborating with international organizations and becoming a pseudo-government partner. Meanwhile, the old strategy is a strategy usually used by NGOs to influence the quality of elections, for instance, becoming the government's antagonists or not collaborating with international organizations. By implementing the former and collaborating with international NGOs, various forms of support can be accessed as a reference and basis for the NGOs to run their election monitoring activities effectively. In addition, becoming a pseudo-government partner also makes it easier to convince the government about the importance of NGOs' presence in free and fair elections. Meanwhile, NGOs that adhere to the old strategy do not receive any support from international organizations and become enemies of the government, which causes the government to crack down on the scope of NGO involvement in election activities.Item Open Access Examining patron-client dynamics : the US alliances and disproportionalities toward South Korea and the Philippines in cold war era(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Nizar Lukman; Muna, M. Rifqi; Nia DelianaThis study attempts to explore the contribution of the US as a patron country in alliance relations to the economic development of its client countries. One form of this contribution is the provision of foreign assistance that can be used as capital to develop the economy of the client country. However, the question is why in its allocation there are often uneven dynamics among its client countries so this study attempts to explore what causes the US to provide a large amount of foreign assistance to some of its client countries while others do not, this can be the main reason why some US alliance countries have good economic development while others have poor development by analyzing the case of South Korea which tends to receive a more significant amount of aid while the Philippines with a smaller amount. The two main factors that will be studied are the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion which exhibit patron-client dynamics in alliance relations can explain the phenomenon. Those two main variables can determine differences in foreign assistance allocation; the main method is process tracing, part of Qualitative which seeks to find causal mechanisms with a time sequence. The results of this study indicate that the US allocates more foreign assistance to client countries when the level of threat and the level of alliance cohesion are high, while if one of the factors is low then the allocation of assistance is also low. This research is expected to contribute to international relations, especially for those trying to see how security can influence the political economy.Item Open Access Adoption of the palm oil moratorium policy in response to the EU’s red II : Indonesia case(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Wahyu Wulandari; Testriono; Moch Faisal KarimHow did RED II push the Indonesian government to implement a moratorium policy for the palm oil industry? This research investigate how RED II regulations pressured the Indonesian government to adopt the palm oil moratorium policy and why this happened. RED II, or Renewable Energy Directive II, is a continuation policy from the previous RED implemented by the European Union to regulate the use of renewable energy and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. RED II is considered stricter, especially in regulating the use of biofuels derived from palm oil, and the moratorium policy is one of the efforts made by Indonesia after facing various regulations that affect the presence of palm oil in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative approach to explore the factors that influence Indonesia's decision making in responding to global demands for the sustainability of the palm oil industry, especially after the emergence of RED II. By using Spalding's policy adoption approach, the research results show that the adoption of the moratorium policy in Indonesia is influenced by significant pressure from the European Union, especially the RED II policy, which limits palm oil imports because of its impact on deforestation and climate change. However, these factors are not enough to explain how Indonesia adopted the moratorium and why it happened, thus there are internal factors, namely related to socio-economic conditions and bureaucratic aspects in Indonesia which encourage massive expansion of oil palm plantations. Specifically, the availability of large areas of land encourages continuous expansion because it provides greater economic opportunities. On the bureaucratic side, it refers to the internal dynamics where the moratorium emerged as a response to the government's difficulties and challenges in overcoming the oil palm issue. These internal dynamics can be seen from the overlapping regulations and agencies which are also influenced by the decentralized system in Indonesia and makes coordination between central and regional institutions difficult. This research concludes that these external and internal factors influence each other, thus encouraging Indonesia to adopt a moratorium policy as an effort to overcome difficulties and challenges regarding the sustainability issues of the palm oil industry.Item Open Access Personality traits and presidential political risktaking behavior : Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo case studies(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ismail Alviano; A'an Suryana; AfrimadonaWhy do presidents in various similar situations display differences in decision making in situations involving risk? Previous presidential studies have considered differences in personality traits as a strong factor influencing differences in presidential attitudes and behavior. Existing literature has succeeded in proving the role of personality in the context of presidential behavior, such as campaign style and leadership style. Despite this, the president's attitude and behavior toward risk is still an untouched puzzle. This thesis offers the influence of personality trait variables that underlie differences in a president‟s risk-taking behavior. To prove this hypothesis, this study was carried out by conducting a multi-case study involving Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo as two Indonesian presidents who had many similar situations but had many differences in their decision making. The method used in this research is assessment-at-distance using measurement techniques through adaptation of the big five personality traits and risk-taking behavior scale. The findings of this study support the existence of differences in personality traits that underlie presidential differences in risk taking. Through the analysis result, it was found that presidents with personality traits of high openness to experience with low conscientiousness and neuroticism tend to be risk takers. On the other hand, presidents with high extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism will tend to avoid risk.Item Controlled Access Waning inter-faith co-existence : Hindu populism and BJP identity politics in India(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Pasha, Mohammad Moin; Nia Deliana; Rifqi MunnaIn the last couple of decades, increasing number of multi-race and multi-religious countries witness inter-faith conflict. Numerous studies invoke on the significant role of political parties involvement in shaping the division through populism and identity politics, In India, BJP presumably plays a crucial contribution in the division of Hindu and the non-Hindus relations in India. The upper-class elite of Hindu who are member to BJP promoted exclusionary narratives of dominant religion and in result, Indian witnessed increasing amount of violence against its minorities. This study examines BJP identity politics and Hindu populism within the interfaith communities in India. It looks into the usage of religion by the BJP and its political rhetoric. It further investigates factors of Hindu populism that trigger conflict among Muslims, Christians, and the Dalits. By employing a qualitative research design, the study utilizes case study methods, constructed through descriptive discourse analysis based on speeches, and the media framing beside utilizing secondary materials across the libraries India was founded on the principles of peaceful co-existence by Gandhi but the wave of Hindu populism is creating issues for the minorities. It is expected that this study contributes to the additional narratives on populism and identity politics in academic sphere as it provides the process and solution for the current situation in India.