Theses - Political Science

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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14576/29

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Open Access
Women's political participation in Indonesia's 2019 election : what contributed to the increasing number of women candidates ?
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Hayatun Nufus; A'an Suryana; Philips J. Vermonte
Although political parties have been able to meet the requirement that there be at least 30% women in the legislature, practically all political parties have confessed that it is difficult for them to recruit women to run for office, however, in the 2019 election, a phenomenon occurred where the number of female legislative candidates increased in all political parties ranging from 37-55% This research explains why this was the case by discussing two variables: the role of political training and the pattern of the selection process within the political process. The two questions are formulated First. how did training in women's political participation by multiple stakeholders encourage female candidates to run for office in the 2019 election, bringing about the increased number and percentage of the list of candidates in the election? Second, what was the pattern of recruitment of political parties' participants in the 2019 election in selecting female candidates for parliament? The objectives of this study are First, to investigate whether political training undertaken by Indonesian women resulted in an increase in women candidates in the final list of candidates. Second, to examine the influence of political party recruiting trends in selecting candidates that exceeded the 30% nomination criteria of women participating in elections. The methodology employed in this study was qualitative using selected cases. Based on these two factors, the objective of this research shows that studies of women in politics that usually focus on women candidates who win seats can also be looked at through women's participation at the candidacy stage. The research and results of this study are expected to contribute theoretically and practically. First, the theoretical benefit is the development of science The findings from this study show that political parties with women's cadre schools and training for women cadres have a significant stock of candidates, so they have no difficulty getting women candidates. In contrast, political parties that do not have a mechanism for educating women candidates find it difficult but are helped by the existence of training held by the government and NGOs, both local and international Thus, the increase in the number of female candidates is the break-even point between the high demand from political parties due to being forced by the 30% gender quota system and the readiness of women who have received training to become legislative candidates for political parties in the 2019 election Advocacy by civil society organizations (CSOs) for women's voices can be an indirect cause and impact on internal party mechanisms that are friendlier and prepare female candidates to be empowered and confident so that a significant increase in women legislative candidates in the 2019 election ensured the 30% requirement was surpassed.
Open Access
Nahdlatul Ulama and the state : examining Nahdlatul Ulama's political flexibility in post-reformasi Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Libasut Taqwa; M. Syafi’i Anwar; Ridwan
This study aimed to investigate the main factors that drove Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU) political flexibility in Indonesia's political history. It also demonstrates how Nahdlatul Ulama maintains its political flexibility during post-reformasi Indonesia. The reformasi (reform cra) was considered to have cleared the path for Islamic groups, including NU, to play distinctive political and electoral roles in keeping their interests in power. During this time, NU became a potent Islamic political force in relation to the state. It had a flexible political action that could either be accommodative or tend to support or oppose the regime, particularly based on its elite networks. Incorporating evidence from document reviews, NU's internal publications and autobiographies, personal correspondence, and interviews, this study demonstrates that the main factor driving NU's political flexibility post-reformasi is the network of its religious clite. This network can be divided into two categories: a knowledge network that spans years and a kinship network that represents the firm ties between the elite, society, and the government. By utilizing its network, NU has succeeded in moving flexibly and responding to the political situation in various periods of regimes in Indonesia. Second, this flexibility is present in NU's attitude, which has never been the same in dealing with the post-reformasi regime. At the same time, this flexibility is also shown by the distribution of NU elites among various political strains to, on the one hand, maintain and balance Indonesia's political stability, and on the other hand, also try to protect their organizational interests. It argues that during various national political opportunities, NU's familial connection became stronger in post-reformasi Indonesia. In particular, when it comes to issues at the local level, the scholarly network has greater influence over NU's political attitudes.
Open Access
Women's education in Afghanistan : activist, Taliban and public views
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Hamedi, Abdul Saboor; Sirojuddin Arif; Nia Deliana
This study investigates the intricate landscape of women's education in Afghanistan through the perspectives of diverse groups, including activists, Taliban officials, and the general public. The study aims to explore the attitudes and sentiments surrounding women's education by combining content and sentiment analysis. Extensive data collection encompassed Twitter posts from Afghan activists, the Taliban, and the public. The study's findings unveil various opinions and emotions among the various groups examined. Notable champions for women's education, regardless of sex, emerge, demonstrating passionate advocacy and working towards expanding educational opportunities for all. The public similarly exhibits significant levels of support, albeit slightly less pronounced. Their collective voice affirms the importance of women's education and the need for progress in this realm. Conversely, the Taliban demonstrates limited enthusiasm for girls' education, revealing a deep ideological divide This understanding sheds light on the challenges in promoting educational equity and diversity within Afghanistan. The study underscores the pivotal role of activists in advocating for women's education, shaping the discourse, and driving transformative change. It also highlights the importance of dismantling societal barriers and advocating for legal reforms to ensure accessibility to education for women in Afghanistan. The insights generated by this study hold practical implications for policymakers, educators, and organizations dedicated to advancing women's education and achieving equality in Afghanistan. With these findings, policymakers and activists can better prioritize women's education, design more effective initiatives, and allocate resources accordingly. This research contributes to the ongoing conversation on women's education in Afghanistan by providing a deeper understanding of the perspectives and sentiments expressed by various groups. It emphasizes the need for sustained collaboration and coordinated efforts to dismantle barriers, challenge established norms, and create an educational system that women, giving them a voice and opening doors to a brighter future.
Open Access
The political origins of religious rigidity and flexibility : the dissemination of contemporary political Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Aldi Nur Fadil Auliya; Jamhari Makruf; M. Syafi’i Anwar
Why do Moslim-majonty democracies express religious rigidity while others reflect flexibility Previous studies emphasize the religious constitutional forms and political rivalries in electoral competition between political parties chasing Muslim voters in addressing the question while overlooking the types of social capital within political struggle as a causal factor. This paper employs process tracing for theory-building and conducts comparative history in Malaysia and Indonesia. In proposing the interaction of two variables, political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters and social capital to promote religious inclusivity, this thesis argues that the divergent power of social capital to promote religious inclusivity results in either political Islam expresses religious rigidity or reflects religious flexibility in a Muslim country with a democratic system. Malaysia is a case of weak social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry between political parties chasing Muslim voters, which triggers the undertaking of top-down Islamization policies in formal democracy and results in the spread of political Islam expressing religious rigidity. In contrast. Indonesia is a case of strong social capital to promote religious inclusivity under political rivalry among political parties chasing Muslim voters, which leads the policy to work from the bottom-up in the frame of substantive democracy and results in the dissemination of political Islam expressing religious flexibility.
Open Access
Analysis of Indonesian foreign policy in facing geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-Pacific : comparative foreign policy of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) and Joko Widodo (2014-onwards) administrations
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sarini; Afrimadona; M. Rifqi Muna
Today the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region has become a question of international concern. The area is also a theater of conflict between regional and great-power countries. Therefore, considering that Indonesia is the Indo-Pacific region's epicenter, the country must adjust its foreign policy in the region. This study examines distinct approaches to the management of the geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region during the administrations of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), with particular focus on how Indonesia responds to conflicts in the South China Sea. The research method in this study is qualitative, using a descriptive approach and developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on the data collected. This study uses primary and secondary data to gain information about Indonesia's policy strategy and behavior. In analyzing Indonesia's foreign policy, this study looks at the enmeshment strategy from the perspective of hedging theory. Furthermore, this study uses idiosyncratic theory as an analytical knife to see why the two governments took different positions. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia's foreign policy during both the SBY and Jokowi administrations in dealing with geopolitical turmoil in the Indo-pacific, especially in the South China Sea conflict, used an enmeshment strategy. However, the difference is that during SBY's time, Indonesia's foreign policy approach was more likely to be normative and globalist, while during the Jokowi administration, it has tended to be more assertive and pragmatic. In addition, the results of the idiosyncratic theory analysis found that the leader's personality type had implications for leadership style and foreign policy decisions. Therefore, the SBY and Jokowi administrations have different foreign policy approaches in dealing with geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-pacific.
Open Access
Unveiling revolutionary pathways : a comparative study of the tactics and strategies of the communist party of the Philippines and Partai Komunis Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Fenis, Magello Rainer; Sirojuddin Arif; Philips J. Vermonte
This research paper examines the impact of the tactics and strategies employed by the Philippine and Indonesian communist movements on political sustainability in the face of repression and a changing political landscape. Utilizing a qualitative approach with causal inference, the research examines the experiences of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) during their peak periods under authoritarian governments. The PKI operated as a legal party under the Sukarno regime, primarily adhering to Leninist principles. In contrast, the CPP, a Maoist organization, has operated underground since its split from the older revisionist communist party. While existing literature offers valuable insights, a comparative study between these regional revolutionary movements is necessary to bridge the gap in understanding the relationship between party methods and sustainability. Despite encountering state repression, the effectiveness of revolutionary strategies played a pivotal role in determining their survival and future trajectory. Drawing on historical institutionalism theory, the study explores the timing and sequence of events, shedding light on ideological, political, and organizational transformations. Ultimately, the distinctive responses of the CPP and the PKI to the domestic challenges of the Cold War era shaped their respective trajectories in pursuing communist aspirations. The findings of this study will contribute to a deeper understanding of how revolutionary social movements respond to repression in the Southeast Asian region.
Open Access
The power and dilemma of informal poltical institution : a case study of 'Chiya Bhatti Baithak' and women's struggle for political participation in Kathmandu Metropolitan City (2008-2022)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Shamim, Saemah; M. Syafi’i Anwar; Nia Deliana
This study investigates how Chiya Bhatti Baithak, an informal political institution in Kathmandu Metropolitan City, discourages women from participating in politics. The study's findings provide light on the challenges experienced by women in accessing resources, networks, and decision-making processes, leading them to leave the political arena by examining the impact of the unwritten rules, social and cultural norms, and networks that are the causes of the exclusive nature of Chiya Bhatti Baithak. The research design combined qualitative information from interviews with pertinent stakeholders and preexisting literature on informal institutions and women's political participation. It used both primary and secondary data. A thorough comprehension of the subject topic was attained by using a qualitative approach. This study adds to the corpus of knowledge by providing compelling proof of the specific ways through which Chiya Bhatti Baithak limits women's political participation. It draws attention to the necessity of inclusive political settings that respect and welcome all participants. To create successful solutions that tackle the underlying issues behind informal institutions, advance gender equality, and ultimately increase women's political involvement in Kathmandu Metropolitan City, further research and exploration in this area is required.
Open Access
Islamic terrorism, the consequence of foreign intervention in the Muslim world : the cases of ASL and ISIS
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Khelfa, Nouha; Djayadi Hanan; Jamhari Ma’ruf
Although there is significant available literature on the study of the origins of Islamic-inspired terrorism, little is known about the origins of the Islamic State in Syria, and Ansar Sharia in Libya, and this is a gap that this study will attempt to fill. In addition, the two existing streams of IR theory on terrorism: Traditionalism and CTS lack analytical and problem-solving power, respectively. This study, therefore, will attempt to synthesize insights from both schools of thought to overcome their weaknesses and combine their strengths. This study aims to explain the origins of Islamic terrorism by using the narrative approach to collect data and process tracing and the organizational theory as a methodology. This study argues that foreign intervention, whether direct or indirect, in the Muslim World, causes state breakdown and subsequent failures in the areas of economy, defense, and ideology, leading to the rise of terrorist groups. This study only focuses on two case studies that are rarely investigated: the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), with a focus on Syria, and Ansar Al-Sharia in Libya (ASL). The results show that indirect foreign intervention of the United States and Russia in Syria in 2011 onward led to the social construction of sectarianism in the country, turning the Arab Spring into a sectarian civil war. This latter would lead to the state deconstruction that would lead to the creation of different insurgent groups, including ISIS. The direct military intervention of NATO in Libya in 2011 would lead to the transformation of the Arab Spring into the First Libyan Civil War, causing the dissolution of different state institutions, including the army, and creating different militia groups, among which is ASL.
Open Access
Why do countries pursue a feminist foreign policy? a comparasion between developed and developing countries : the case of Sweden, Canada, Colombia, and Mexico
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Sonia So'imatus Sa'adah; Philips J. Vermonte; Afrimadona
This study seeks to examine the necessary conditions for countries to pursue a feminist foreign policy. By applying the method of agreement and focusing on the cases of Sweden, Canada, Mexico, and Colombia, which integrate a feminist foreign policy, this research aims to observe why countries with different socioeconomic development statutes chose to adopt this political strategy. Scholars have argued that domestic politics and international politics are strongly intertwined. What happens in national politics can often shape a country's foreign policy to a certain degree. With this as a background, this study recognizes that domestic forces and transnational forces are interdependent and interconnected. Thus, I argue that a strong feminist movement is a necessary condition for countries to pursue a feminist foreign policy. The interplay between pressure from domestic forces (feminist movements) and transnational forces results in a "pincers' effect" (Friedman, 2008), which leads states to put emphasize a gender- responsive foreign policy. In other words, the existence of a strong feminist movement is a required condition for countries to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
Open Access
The paradox of kiai politics (Role of kiai in the 2019 presidental election in Madura)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Masduri; Djayadi Hanan; A'an Suryana
Jokowi-Ma'ruf's defeat and Prabowo-Sandi's victory in Madura in the 2019 presidential election cannot be separated from the political role of the kiai. The kiai is included in the cosmological figures, Bhuppa Bhabhu, Ghuru and Rato (Father-Mother, Teacher and King), who are highly respected by the Madurese people. The kiai is the representation of the teacher, whose teachings and orders must be obeyed by the santri (students) or society in general. For this reason, the political choice of kiai in Madura in the 2019 presidential election influenced the choices of many santri and voters in general. What happened in Madura emphasizes the concept of the "selectorate" (Mesquita et al, 2003) in electoral political contestation, which can influence the composition of the ruling coalition and the population in a broader sense, as well as voters in a special sense. The kiai's strategy, support and active involvement will determine the position and victory of the candidate he supports. Even though in the 2019 presidential election there was a cultural paradox of kiai politics, where the Jokowi-Ma'ruf candidate pair, who represented the kiai and NU, lost in Madura, which is a base of the kiai and NU. This paradox occurs because of at least four things, the issue of identity politics (1), the domination of social media (2), the influence of political ideology (3), and the political aggressiveness of the kiai (4). There is obvious Islamic devotion in the Madurese community, where candidates who are supported by the majority of the habaib and kiai receive much greater support than candidates from the kiai themselves or the NU structural representation.
Open Access
The effect of external interventions on Civil War duration
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Al-Aini, Mohammed Ahmed Ali; Afrimadona; Ridwan
This study aims to explore the impact of third-party interventions on the duration of civil wars, which are characterized by varying durations ranging from a few days to several decades. So under what conditions can third party interventions shorten the duration of civil wars? To address this research objective, two primary hypotheses have been identified to guide the investigation: (1) the effect of regional versus non-regional interventions, (2) the influence of neighboring versus distant interventions, in reducing the duration of civil wars. To provide a comprehensive examination of this phenomenon, a systematic review of the existing literature has been undertaken, employing quantitative and qualitative research methods. The insights obtained from this study will significantly contribute to the discourse on the role of external actors in resolving civil conflicts by highlighting the conditions under which third-party interventions are most effective in reducing the duration of civil wars. These findings hold valuable implications for the design and implementation of future intervention strategies and for the broader theoretical and empirical debates on the effectiveness of third-party interventions in resolving civil conflicts.
Open Access
Indonesia's role in promoting the agenda of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in ASEAN
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2023) Ramita Paraswati; Philips J. Vermonte; Ridwan
This study aims to examine the role of Indonesia in promoting UNSCR 1325 on the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional bloc by positioning itself as a middle power. Indonesia has strategically planned its status as a middle power and implemented it in the WPS issue. By employing role theory to explain middle-power behavior, this study explores the factor of historical experience, ego, and alter expectations relating to Indonesia's identification as the voice of developing countries, a regional leader, an advocate of democracy, and a bridge-builder in advancing the WPS agenda in ASEAN. This research used a qualitative method, in-depth interviews with stakeholders, and a desk literature review. This study found that Indonesia appears to be a middle power in promoting UNSCR 1325 in ASEAN. In addition, this research also proposes that the foreign policy actor's background determines the middle power's role. The experience of implementing, the contribution of civil society organizations (CSOs), and initiating several programs relating to the WPS agenda, positions Indonesia as an actor that plays a significant role in promoting the WPS agenda in ASEAN. These findings provide significant implications for studying how a state positions itself as a middle power on the WPS issue.
Controlled Access
Waning inter-faith co-existence : Hindu populism and BJP identity politics in India
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Pasha, Mohammad Moin; Nia Deliana; Rifqi Munna
In the last couple of decades, increasing number of multi-race and multi-religious countries witness inter-faith conflict. Numerous studies invoke on the significant role of political parties involvement in shaping the division through populism and identity politics, In India, BJP presumably plays a crucial contribution in the division of Hindu and the non-Hindus relations in India. The upper-class elite of Hindu who are member to BJP promoted exclusionary narratives of dominant religion and in result, Indian witnessed increasing amount of violence against its minorities. This study examines BJP identity politics and Hindu populism within the interfaith communities in India. It looks into the usage of religion by the BJP and its political rhetoric. It further investigates factors of Hindu populism that trigger conflict among Muslims, Christians, and the Dalits. By employing a qualitative research design, the study utilizes case study methods, constructed through descriptive discourse analysis based on speeches, and the media framing beside utilizing secondary materials across the libraries India was founded on the principles of peaceful co-existence by Gandhi but the wave of Hindu populism is creating issues for the minorities. It is expected that this study contributes to the additional narratives on populism and identity politics in academic sphere as it provides the process and solution for the current situation in India.
Open Access
Personality traits and presidential political risktaking behavior : Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo case studies
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Ismail Alviano; A'an Suryana; Afrimadona
Why do presidents in various similar situations display differences in decision making in situations involving risk? Previous presidential studies have considered differences in personality traits as a strong factor influencing differences in presidential attitudes and behavior. Existing literature has succeeded in proving the role of personality in the context of presidential behavior, such as campaign style and leadership style. Despite this, the president's attitude and behavior toward risk is still an untouched puzzle. This thesis offers the influence of personality trait variables that underlie differences in a president‟s risk-taking behavior. To prove this hypothesis, this study was carried out by conducting a multi-case study involving Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo as two Indonesian presidents who had many similar situations but had many differences in their decision making. The method used in this research is assessment-at-distance using measurement techniques through adaptation of the big five personality traits and risk-taking behavior scale. The findings of this study support the existence of differences in personality traits that underlie presidential differences in risk taking. Through the analysis result, it was found that presidents with personality traits of high openness to experience with low conscientiousness and neuroticism tend to be risk takers. On the other hand, presidents with high extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism will tend to avoid risk.
Open Access
Adoption of the palm oil moratorium policy in response to the EU’s red II : Indonesia case
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Wahyu Wulandari; Testriono; Moch Faisal Karim
How did RED II push the Indonesian government to implement a moratorium policy for the palm oil industry? This research investigate how RED II regulations pressured the Indonesian government to adopt the palm oil moratorium policy and why this happened. RED II, or Renewable Energy Directive II, is a continuation policy from the previous RED implemented by the European Union to regulate the use of renewable energy and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. RED II is considered stricter, especially in regulating the use of biofuels derived from palm oil, and the moratorium policy is one of the efforts made by Indonesia after facing various regulations that affect the presence of palm oil in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative approach to explore the factors that influence Indonesia's decision making in responding to global demands for the sustainability of the palm oil industry, especially after the emergence of RED II. By using Spalding's policy adoption approach, the research results show that the adoption of the moratorium policy in Indonesia is influenced by significant pressure from the European Union, especially the RED II policy, which limits palm oil imports because of its impact on deforestation and climate change. However, these factors are not enough to explain how Indonesia adopted the moratorium and why it happened, thus there are internal factors, namely related to socio-economic conditions and bureaucratic aspects in Indonesia which encourage massive expansion of oil palm plantations. Specifically, the availability of large areas of land encourages continuous expansion because it provides greater economic opportunities. On the bureaucratic side, it refers to the internal dynamics where the moratorium emerged as a response to the government's difficulties and challenges in overcoming the oil palm issue. These internal dynamics can be seen from the overlapping regulations and agencies which are also influenced by the decentralized system in Indonesia and makes coordination between central and regional institutions difficult. This research concludes that these external and internal factors influence each other, thus encouraging Indonesia to adopt a moratorium policy as an effort to overcome difficulties and challenges regarding the sustainability issues of the palm oil industry.
Open Access
Enhancing election integrity : a comparative study of NGO election monitoring in the Philippines and Indonesia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Perwita Suci; Philips J. Vermonte; Sirojuddin Arif
What causes variations in election integrity scores across democratic countries? A number of scholars argue that election integrity scores are influenced by regime type and economic development. Yet there are several countries that have the same regime and economic development but obtain different election integrity scores. By comparing the Philippines and Indonesia, this thesis will try to assess civil society involvement through the level of robustness of election monitoring activities by NGOs, which is considered a key factor in the variation in election integrity values in democratic countries. This is because formal election monitoring institutions are deemed incapable of maintaining free and fair elections. The robustness of an NGO is indicated by the results of its strategy implementation. The strategies used were divided into two types in this paper: new and old strategies. A new strategy is the implementation of a strategy that has never been done by an NGO before; this is characterized by collaborating with international organizations and becoming a pseudo-government partner. Meanwhile, the old strategy is a strategy usually used by NGOs to influence the quality of elections, for instance, becoming the government's antagonists or not collaborating with international organizations. By implementing the former and collaborating with international NGOs, various forms of support can be accessed as a reference and basis for the NGOs to run their election monitoring activities effectively. In addition, becoming a pseudo-government partner also makes it easier to convince the government about the importance of NGOs' presence in free and fair elections. Meanwhile, NGOs that adhere to the old strategy do not receive any support from international organizations and become enemies of the government, which causes the government to crack down on the scope of NGO involvement in election activities.
indefinitely restricted
The emergence of the Indonesian campus union under system strain : a comparative case study of the University of Indonesia Workers Association (PPUI) and Campus Workers Union (SPK)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Bobi Arisandi; Sirojuddin Arif; Munna, M. Rifqi
Embargo
The dynamics of majority-muslim countries’ foreign policy on the global war on terrorism: a comparative analysis of Indonesia and Malaysia under the Megawati Soekarnoputri and Mahathir Mohamad administrations (2001-2004)
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Fahmi Syahirul Alim; Rifqi Muna; Syafii Anwar
The foreign policy dynamics of Islamic-majority countries have been debated in the field of foreign policy studies, especially since the emergence of the Global War on Terror policy after the 9/11 attacks, with a shift in foreign policy analysis that examined more domestic influences, both sociopolitical conditions and the identity and leadership of a country. By using the theory of national role conception and the idiosyncratic approach by looking at the personality of the country's leader, this study argues that the foreign policies of Indonesia and Malaysia in responding to the Global War on Terror were more influenced by domestic political conditions. However, with different institutions, Indonesia is more influenced by civil society, so it projected itself as a bridge builder of Islam and the West and Islam and Democracy. Meanwhile, Malaysia’s response was more due to the power of political parties. The role projected was “defender of the faith” by always wanting to play a role in protecting the interests of the Muslim world as a developing country, and indigenous issues to fulfil domestic political interests. By employing an idiosyncratic approach, the characters and personalities of the two leaders of this country certainly strengthen these two different roles.
Embargo
Unravelling the dynamics of authoritarian strategies : a comparative study of Suharto’s new order in Indonesia and Jammeh’s rule in the Gambia
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Bah, Musa; Gde Dwitya Arief Metera; Djayadi Hanan
The dynamics of authoritarian power consolidation is receiving more attention today than it has ever been before as a result of rising authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. However, there exists an undertheorized and variations on autocrat’s decision calculus for prioritizing repression over co-optation, vice versa. Drawing from this, I make two assumptions that state: 1. Low resource endowment leads to high repression, and 2. High resource endowment leads to low repression and high co-optation. To understand this phenomenon, I compared Yahya Jammeh (1994–2016) in the Gambia (a low resource authoritarian regime) and Suharto (1966–1998) in Indonesia (a high resource authoritarian regime). I used the Gambian case (1994-2016) to explain the first assumption, and the second assumption is examined using the case of Indonesia (1965-1998). By observation, both regimes on the surface appear similar as both were military juntas in Muslimmajority countries. However, the literature shows that their authoritarian strategies and tactics varied in profoundly – Jammeh primarily imposed repression as strategy, whereas Suharto was inclined more towards co-optation. However, I do not argue that this explanation is exclusive, as it is context dependent. To examine this phenomenon, I drew data from government websites, international reports, journal articles, news outlets, and other online resources. Thus, this study intends to contribute to the understanding of autocrats’ decision-making strategyies.
Embargo
Local government coordination capacity in reducing stunting prevalence : cases of Bekasi city and Bogor city
(Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2024) Tri Sulistianing Astuti; Sirojuddin Arif; A'an Suryana
Stunting remains a global problem, including in Indonesia. Despite the nature of stunting reduction as a benevolent policy, which tends to be less prioritized by politicians, many countries have succeeded in reducing stunting. It raised a question: under what conditions does the government pursue stunting reduction? Most studies point out the commitment of political leaders as the main driver of the stunting reduction. However, in a democratic government, a political leader has a term limit, which makes him vulnerable to continuity of stunting reduction in the long term. Hence, I argue that the bureaucratic capacity could better drive stunting reduction since bureaucrats serve longer than political leaders. Focusing on coordination capacity, this research assesses the variation outcome of stunting reduction in Bekasi City and Bogor City during the changing landscape of stunting policies from 2018 to 2022 by employing a comparative qualitative method with Most Similar System Designs. This research concludes a strong capacity of street-level bureaucracy coordination was the core of Bekasi City’s better performance in stunting reduction compared to Bogor City. Therefore, understanding the need for a strong coordination capacity in bureaucracy and the impact of not having it can significantly contribute to increasing the successful delivery program of benevolent policy in a local government.